درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Purpose: The main purpose of this article is to identify and analyze the factors affecting the maturity management of educational technology in Iranian schools. Methodology: The research method is mixed (qualitative-quantitative). To conduct this research, in addition to document study, thematic analysis technique with MAXQDA12 software was used to identify factors and components. The statistical population in this research were all experts in the field of educational management and educational technology, as well as regional managers with high experience and work experience in education, which was done after 14 theoretical saturation interviews. The interviews lasted between 75 and 120 minutes. Finally, the basic, organizing, and inclusive themes are extracted and in the quantitative part, the Dimtel technique is used to determine the effectiveness of the dimensions of educational technology. Findings: According to semi-structured interviews, 4 dimensions (educational technology knowledge management, educational technology resources and facilities, control and coordination on educational technology and educational technology infrastructure), 15 components (organizing themes) and 55 indicators (basic themes) In order to manage the maturity of educational technology in Iranian schools, it was extracted. After that, according to the questionnaire of paired comparisons to identify the influential and influential dimensions, it was determined that the dimensions of educational technology infrastructure, knowledge management of educational technology, control and coordination of educational technology, and resources and facilities of educational technology are respectively more influential. Conclusion: The findings of this study have many practical implications for managers and officials of the education system, and they based on the results of this study can take an effective step towards improving the maturity management of educational technology in Iranian schools.

The caste system has undergone many changes, many people have predicted its soon demise, but it has proven to stay. Many theories such as Sanskritization by M.N. Srinivas have been written about the caste system and many studies showed that caste has retreated, though not disappeared, from several spheres of life. A delinking of occupation and caste, increased inter-caste and interreligious marriages and the status of a person is increasingly measured not by traditional hereditary factors such as caste but individual parameters such as wealth, job security and career chances, that are factors which can individually be acquired. Thus, researchers said that class will supplant caste, but recent research has shown that it would be better not to see these two as opposed to each other and rather study the similarities. We have researched in rural and urban areas with in purposefully selected areas in Goa with people from many different social backgrounds, religions, caste, and as well tribal background. We have opted to use mainly qualitative research. The open-ended informal interview or semi-structured interview with an interview guide was mostly used as it provides best insight in how people perceive their life and changes. Due to social changes such as democratization after Liberation from the Portuguese colonial rule in 1961, the Land Tiller’s Act which transferred the land from the owners to the tillers and migration, which offered especially to the former working class higher incomes, caste markers have undergone changes as well. A significant change to individual choices from inherited traditional caste rules could be observed, which depended on individually acquired characteristics. Hereditary traditional factors such as caste, which are non-personal, retreated to the background. As caste is seen by many as discrimination, people try to get rid of it or hide it as much as possible. That means that obvious caste markers such as names of wards indicating one’s profession or caste background cannot be used anymore, as the composition of castes in wards have changed as well. Profession and caste have been decoupled, the sitting order in the church does not indicate caste anymore and other traditional caste markers have become obsolete. Thus, people have found out new markers to orient themselves in their social world. These factors were for instance language. The accent of course could be changed, as certain accents were related to specific varnas and as well jaatis. As ward names have changed, the setting and look of wards became important, such as the space in front of the house and the absence or presence of agricultural tools or harvest versus flower beds and expensive children’s toys were gauged. The style of the house, how many stories and the style of color and decoration were considered as well. The behavior and demeanor became very important as well as the style of clothes and jewelry one was wearing. As well how feasts and parties were celebrated. These individual factors of gauging the status of a person did have significant influences and repercussions on social set up in urban and very strong as well in rural areas. The member composition or formal and informal meetings and local NGOs are due to personal interest and skills. Thus, hot issues in villages are decided by expected personal gain and interest. Professions get a new ranking according to career chances and income, dining with others depends on personal liking. Despite this emerging class character, we should not see class and caste dichotomous, as people use either of them in different situations depending on what they feel might get them better chances to advance to their goals. Seeing caste and class as complimentary and not dichotomous helps