درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

This paper seeks to draw scenarios for the future of the Middle East regional system, and considers the actors in the Middle East regional system as: 1. regional powers; 2. failed states in the region; in this paper the three failed states are mentioned: Iraq, Syria and Yemen, 3. active groups inside the failed states, and 4. interventionist powers, such as the United States and Russia, which intervene from an international level in the regional system of the Middle East. In this regard, the constructive variables of the regional system of the Middle East has been studied which include: the problematic, the boundary, the pole, the anarchy, the interaction pattern, the individual and the structure of the international system. The paper argues that every regional system has the problematic and based on the data obtained, the current problematic at the regional level is the existence of the failed states of Yemen, Iraq and Syria. Hence, it is about examining and identifying other variables surrounding the problematic, and ultimately on whether the objectives and actions of the poles of power in the region on the one hand, and the goals and actions of the superpowers on the international level are in line with the resolution of the problematic or conflicting and contradictory to the problematic, provides scenarios for the variables that shape the regional system, and in particular the regional interaction pattern. Based on these scenarios, the future of Iran's foreign policy can be explained.

Historically, formalities and diplomatic protocols, as one of the pillars of successful international diplomacy, have played a crucial role in shaping the political currents of the time. This study examines and studies the role and effect of British-Russian rivalries regarding the inefficiency of the Iranian formality system, as well as analyzing the function of these formalities in the relations of this power triangle during the Qajar era, and by means of a historical method and a descriptive-analytical view which is based on documents, travelogues and historical resources of the Qajar era, it seeks to answer the questions of to what extent diplomatic rituals and ceremonies have been effective in the rivalry and emulation of Russian and British governments in Iran? What were the factors that led to the structural weakness of Iran's formalities and its becoming a buffer state in the great game between Russia and Britain? What role did the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors play in Iran's formality relations? It seems that factors such as imitation and competition of the British and Russian ambassadors for Formalities respect caused the role of Formalities in Iran's relations with the Russian and British governments to be not positive and effective. Meanwhile, the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors, the establishment of Formality agreements and the negligence of the Iranian government were not ineffective in shaping formality actions and reactions between the governments

Spatial justice as a new term focuses more on cities, so it is important to address the national scale. Spatial injustice refers to the imbalanced distribution of valuable political, social and economic power, wealth, infrastructures and opportunity resources. From a political geography point of view, spatial injustice can be a threat to the national integrity, national & domestic security and creation of critical areas in the state. The main goal of this paper is Identification and categorization of factors affecting the spatial injustice in Iran. This paper tries to find an answer to the research main question: What are the most important factors affecting spatial injustice in Iran? This study is practical regarding its purpose and in terms of data collection is survey descriptive. Moreover, its data collection is from the questionnaire. First, the dimensions and spatial injustice indicators are distinguished based on the review of the literature, content and comparative analysis of related researches, and interviews with experts. Then using the methodology of modern analytical-interpretive structural modeling (ISM), the relationship between the indicators is determined and analyzed. Finally, the type of variables according to their influence and reception on other variables was identified using MICMAC analysis. Results show that the most important foundations of spatial injustice in Iran based on Interpretive-Structural Modeling Are Inequality in the distribution of power, wealth and opportunities and Theoretical weakness about the spatial justice domain of knowledge

The Middle East and North Africa regions have been the focus of security crises since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Although insecurity has not been restricted in this region, its effects are evident in other regions of the international system, especially in the European countries. With this in mind, the main question of the present article is how can a comprehensive model be presented to fundamentally resolve the security issue in the region. The result of this study is that "regional awareness" is a concept on the basis of which one can find a way out of the existing security impasse. In fact, the results are based on the fact that native solutions to the security of the country, instead of rental security, bring peace and security to the region. In this regard, governments, intellectuals, and people must engage in regional negotiations to fulfill their national interests.

China has become a competitive player in the global higher education landscape with a growing number of Chinese universities being part of the global rankings. With the significant improvement in the quality of some Chinese universities, education as a soft power was deployed by China toward ASEAN countries. This strategy was particularly evident in PRC Ministry of Education’s appeal to Chinese universities to serve the nation’s diplomatic strategies. This paper puts into perspective Sino-ASEAN people-to-people exchange and institutional linkages in the aspect of education. Overall, the article examines the intersections of soft power, geopolitics, and student mobility as situated in the Sino-ASEAN context. Through secondary data analysis, the trend of student mobility from ASEAN countries to China was traced. The results reveal that the ASEAN student outflows to China have been gradually increasing.  By strategically accepting more ASEAN students to Chinese universities, China assists in the development of ASEAN’s human resources and continues to be perceived as a partner in the region’s development.

The balance of geopolitical power of the United States during the last decades was changed. Biden tries to examine US security policy in the third decade of the 21st century by providing a “geopolitical balancing”. The geopolitical balance of the main axis of strategic policy-making should be in the regional security approaches. The main axes of the geopolitical balance of strategic policy- making in regional environments should be the power limitation, containment and balancing the power of the China, Russia, and Iran. Understanding the US security policy in the geopolitical field has generally been accompanied by the signs of change. Barack Obama took advantage of the geopolitical balance of power. Donald Trump policy making was based on the regional and international hegemony. The strategic hegemonic policy system has put regional hegemony on the agenda and need to be addressed in order to make US policy strategic and enforce it. Each US president has adopted a specific form of security policy making in the regional environment. The main question of the article is “Should a strategic policy making of Joe Biden be in a regional environment?” The hypothesis of the article is based on the view that “Biden uses strategic policy making threat of balancing to counter the various rival actors as so China, Russia and Iran.” Threat balancing theory has been used in compiling the article. Threat balancing theory was a special form of US strategic behavior of the power equation to limit and containing the rise of others as so emerging actors. The methodology of article based on data analysis and content analysis.

The investigation of the content and circumstances of domestic influences on foreign policy outcomes constitutes part of the challenge of conceptualization in foreign policy analyses. This paper contributes to that research agenda, aiming to isolate and to analyze the crucial causal forces of Brazil’s international power projection (or lack thereof). To achieve these objectives, the paper uses the model of neoclassical geopolitics, emphasizing geopolitical agents’ perceptions and capacities as pivotal domestic variables, and undertakes an empirical test on a single case study of Brazilian geopolitical design (2003-2018). The paper adopts a qualitative phenomenological approach, operationalized by techniques of process tracing and discourse analysis. Results show that the deterioration of Brazil’s relative potential and the lack of improvement of Brazil’s position in foreign affairs are most likely explained by (a) geopolitical agents’ choices, which have made (b) South American integration a top priority with respect to Brazil’s geopolitical design

After the 2015 refugee crisis, the far right parties are not marginal anymore and they have become mainstream in most of the European countries. The present paper aims to (1) portray a perspective of the rise of the far right in Europe with emphasis on their characteristics specially Euroscepticism, nationalism and xenophobia (2) provide a summary for the main cause for the rise of the far right parties (3) to come to some further insights about their supporters and social base by analyses and review of the prior researches. In this article, we focus on immigration and refugee crises as the main reasons for the recent success of Far right parties in Europe, the study reveals that these parties benefited from the protest vote and rise of dissatisfaction among the citizen toward the ruling elites, however, the refugee crisis and arrival of foreign immigrants to Europe, and particularly Germany, and poor performance of traditional political left and right parties are among the main causes for their rise.