Regional Integration

This paper examines convergence of real GDP per capita in the selected East Asian countries and this relationship with selected Middle East countries during the period 1950-2009. The reason behind this refers to the fact that East Asia countries (including China، Hong Kong، Singapore، Malaysia، Indonesia، Thailand، Japan and South Korea) have been involved in achieving success arising from regional cooperation. On the other hand، the Middle East region has been well-known in producing and exporting oil (Iran، Iraq، Kuwait، Qatar، Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates). However، these countries have had strong relationship whit East Asian countries through trade and investment relations. Overall، the question is whether such strong relationship has led to a reduction in the real per capita gap between the selected countries of the both regions. To find the answer، income departures across countries are evaluated from several panel data unit root tests. We and no evidence supporting the existence of convergence process for the income in the East Asian and Middle East countries. But in each region، convergence within countries can not reject.

The creation of regional or international organizations is considered as a way to peace building and keeping. In fact, one of the causes of transformation of international organization after the Cold War has been the settlement of peace and security in regional context. Latin America is among strategic regions of the world that has witnessed a new trend of regional integration after the end of the Cold War and the regional states have taken different ways to promote regional cooperation and alliance in different facets and in particular in economic and political realms. So, the research is intended to investigate the role of MERCOSUR in regional peace and development in Latin America. This paper argues that MERCOSUR has been successful, and it is in line with Latin America interests and also can provide a proper pattern of regional integration and interdependence and can be developed among the states which share common political interests.

Iran’s ‘resistance economy’ is sometimes presented as defensive strategy. Despite Washington’s ‘New Middle East’ wars and the rapid evaporation of expected benefits from the long JCPOA (nuclear deal) process, a certain illusion remains that a general ‘normalisation’ with the outside powers might still bring economic benefits to the country. Nevertheless, it remains true that, while Iran is a large country, pure self-sufficiency would impose physical limits. Therefore, the question that one may ask is what are the better economic opportunities for the nation’s economic growth? By engaging with the globalist and new regionalism debates, making parallels between Latin American and West Asianintegration, and presenting examples from Iran’s previous experiences, this paper argues that the answer to the above-mentioned question lies in a resistance economy, which builds an economically integrated regional bloc. The article begins by demonstrating the false promises of global economic liberalism, and then locates Iran’s resistance economy principles in the context of the ‘new regionalism’ debates. This forms the basis for discussing the economic potential of West Asian integration. This research is an interpretive study, testing the economic liberal project with evidence, and then comparing it with contemporary regional initiatives.

Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other.