سید مهدی موسوی

This essay examines the appropriation of Anton Chekhov’s short story “Misery” (1886) by Simin Daneshvar in her “Be ki salam konam” (Whom Shall I Greet?” 1980). Daneshvar appropriates the Russian short story for her feminist agenda in the new Iranian context. Such a transnational transposition can be studied in light of Harold Bloom’s notion of “anxiety of influence”. More specifically, the comparison between these two short stories, in addition to throwing into relief the poetics of adaptation and influence, problematizes the supposed gender freeness of Bloom’s theory. Having described the many similarities (formal and thematic) between the two short stories, it is argued that Bloom’s theory needs a gendered and transnational revision. Daneshvar hybridizes the Russian text. From the perspective of Bloom’s theory of anxiety of influence, we can say that in the absence of a feminine tradition (at least in the realm of prose fiction), Daneshvar creates a feminist Chekhov in her misreading of the Russian author. Yet the problem with Bloom’s theory is its male-centeredness, that is, the paternal precursor. In a sense, Daneshvar’s creative misreading (in the Bloomian sense) replaces the paternal structure with a maternal metaphor. Also, the intercultural dialogue between the Russian and Iranian authors redefines anxiety as transnational. Accordingly, we might call Daneshvar’s story a gendered revisionist appropriation.

The present paper proposes to consider eventfulness as a category for developing feminist narratology. Feminist/gender-conscious models of narrative theory have already taken into account a few narratological categories for their project including narrative closure, engaging narrator, and narrative authority. Studying the relationship between narrative eventfulness and women’s writing can be of great help for furthering the feminist narratology’s agenda. Eventfulness is a scalar feature of narrative, attributed to the degree of existence of a change of state. An event can occur in story-world, narration, or in the reader’s mind. The canonicity-breach aspect of an event, that is, the success or failure in transgressing boundaries, makes eventfulness ideologically significant. To show the applicability of gendering narrative eventfulness, Zoya Pirzad’s I Turn off the Lights is used as an illustrative example. I Turn off the Lights (Persian: Cheraq-ha ra Man Khamush Mikonam 2001; English translation: Things We Left Unsaid 2012) is a contemporary Iranian novel which has been received very well by the readers. Choosing I Turn off the Lights as an example is expected to give my appropriation of feminist narrative theory a comparative quality. By situating I Turn off the Lights in the literary context of Iran, it is argued that the reduced form of eventfulness in the novel can be read as a sign of ossified normative orders that make border crossing for the main female character (Clarisse) almost impossible.

For a long time, humans have used plant motifs on objects such as pottery, goblet, and others, which sometimes have a symbolic appearance and were very important in the relics of a particular period. One of the most important motifs, that has a Mesopotamian origin, is the tree of life. The tree of life is a plant that is found in many mythical traditions of the Near East such as Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Egypt. The flower of life or the motif of geometric rosette is another valuable motif with six petals. In this paper, the authors first discuss the symbols and symbolism and then investigate the background of the tree of life and then discuss the motif of geometric rostte or flower of life, and later focus on the Golden, Silver and Bronze findings at the sites of Marlik, Amarlu in Gilan and Kelardasht in Mazandaran related to iron age of Iran and investigate the impact of this symbolic motif on archaeological findings in the surrounding sites that have probably transformed the motif of the tree of life into the flower of life. This motif emerged among the communities of northern Iran during a period almost identical to the Assyrian era at the bottom of the Golden and Silver and Bronze goblets and is a kind of symbol of the tree of life that then the artists replaced the sacred tree with six petal rosette.

Symbolic figures, in addition to decorative aspects, are indicator of culture, religion, art and political and social structures of a government and country in ancient times. During the Sassanid era, symbolic figures flourished further with the mixture of religion and polity and their examples can be seen in most of the remaining artworks from the same era that could found during archaeological excavations. Investigation of symbolic figures in the Sassanian rock reliefs and stucco is a necessity but unfortunately, has not been independently and elaborately addressed to this date. It is necessary to investigate this significant aspect using archaeological and historical evidence. This study, which is considered as a kind of fundamental research based on its objective and a historical one with respect to its nature and methodology, obviously indicate that the dominant symbolic figures in Sassanian rock reliefs and stucco have had religious origins.

The empowerment of Zoroastrian Magi as a social class was intertwined with the emperors’ power to the extent that the political power of Magi can be regarded as a discontinued historical process with ups and downs. This paper attempts to reassess an apparent contrast between historical narratives and archeological findings (e.g. rock reliefs) concerning the political empowerment of Zoroastrian Magi in the beginning of Sassanid Empire until the reign of Narseh. According to the historical narratives, the Sassanid founding fathers, Ardashir and his Successor Shapur I, emphasized ecumenism (i.e. the possession of political sovereignty and religious power by emperor.) However, according to the rock reliefs of the 3rd century, shortly after Shapur I, with the rise of Bahram I, a structural split occurred between the emperor’s power as the sovereign and the power of Magi. Bahram I’s reign is the first historical period in which Zoroastrian Magi, represented as a social class, obtained a political superiority. Roughly speaking, in this epoch which spanned for almost two decades (the reign of Bahram I, Bahram II, and Bahram III,) one institutionalized reading of Zoroastrianism developed by an elite Magi, i.e. “Kartir”, became dominant over others and turned steadily into the Imperial religion. The above contrast can be formulated, as follows: given the fact that an ecumenical power is the ultimate form of sovereignty in a monarch system, why and how a Kartir could gain authoritatively a significant share of power? Through adopting an historical approach, the authors pursue the roots of answer in three related political phenomena: First, the quarrel between Bahram I and Narseh; second, the trial and the execution of Mani the prophet; and third, the institutionalization of Zoroastrianism as the Imperial religion.