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Christianity and Shiite Islam share the religious nature of marriage as compliance with a divine precept and of the family as a sharing and continuation of the divine will preordained for the creation and multiplication of human beings on the face of the earth. I will not dwell on the institution of marriage itself and I will omit to expound its principles, canons and ethics proper to it. I therefore proceed to immediately lay out the essential outlines that characterize the existential philosophy and the role to which parents are called within the family cell. Of this cell they are not the only protagonists, and it must also be said that the cell itself is not an end in itself: the parents are one with the children and the family is one with the society, civil and religious, in which and with which it evolves, lives its religiosity and ethics, and realizes divine wills. The subject of people who make up the family nucleus in the strict sense and the people who gravitate with different duties and in different capacities around it, such as fathers, mothers, sons, daughters, relatives and servants, is vast and complex in its articulations. This is true both as regards their interpersonal relations and their relations with the community environment in the midst of which they stand as elements of edification and support. Indeed, an exhaustive treatment of the personal roles of individuals constituting the family would in itself require extremely detailed and laborious research. Perhaps in no other field has legalism indulged so much as in the treatment and determination of the rights and duties inherent to the members of the family unit. Not only because of their natural belonging to a tribe, clan and family, but also because of their religious identity as subjects of a revealed law, over whom the dominion of faith prevails, or ends up prevailing, over every other instance of ethical, associative and community order. We therefore propose to outline, below, just a few of the complex religious and human implications of the interpersonal relations that regulate and govern the family institution as it articulates itself and becomes the core of the so-called Islamic community.

In Rescher’s view, the cognitive rationality is using dialectic arguments for managing the acceptance of various beliefs and answering the individual’s questions in the best way – an approach that can entail access to rational propositions and true knowledge. While believing in the limitation of rational faculties, Rescher maintains that the intelligence endowed in human being in an evolutional way prepares the ground for his access to the authentic knowledge. The cognitive importance of the criterion of investigating the value of knowledge suggests the existence of an effective factor that can help us in qualitative and quantitative promotion of and deepening our essential information. Skepticism rejects the possibility of accessing authentic information and puts a seemingly strong obstacle on the way to implementing and realizing the goals of argument, and maintains that cognitive rationality is never possible. Rescher considers justification of skepticism based on the wrong assumption that the rational justification of a belief is restricted to the deductive reasoning founded on pre-justified propositions. However, in addition to this, we have the method of hypothetical justification that skeptics ignore.

The global nuclear energy scene is changing rapidly. Some countries are phasing out nuclear technology. Some are in the nuclear renaissance, planning to promote the most ambitious new construction programme. Statemen make the proper decision in nuclear policy striking the best balance of domestic energy policies, energy-concerned foreign policies, and the dynamism of international relations. This study tries to analyse the political aspects of nuclear programmes in foreign policies and international relations in the Persian Gulf region. The study examines the reasons why oil & gas producer states want to acquire nuclear energy/weapons. It reviews the structural, psychological, and technological dimensions of nuclear politics in a neoclassical realism paradigm to find the balancing energy strategies. The research examines policy in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Iran. Different states' power and different perceptions of the international system allow for explaining various role players in foreign policy and energy politics. The theoretical starting point of this thesis is Neoclassical Realism in the literature of international relations. This theory offers venues for the analysis of energy diplomacy. The theory concentrates on material power and underlines the importance of state domestic structure, as well as the statesmen’s perception of the international system. These aspects create the opportunity to explain the different positions of energy choices in foreign policies of different states.

Regional Order and Maximum Pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran, an American NarrativeAbstractOver time, various foreign policy and International Relations scholars have offered different themes and arguments on foreign policy. The necessity to review these themes and definitions are due to the continuity of foreign policy as a continuum, in which foreign policy and its different terms take shape and are formed. This study conducts a research on an American perspective of the maximum pressure campaign against Iran, which was a new term and policy enforced by the Trump administration. It reviews different tools of American statecraft and argues that the maximum pressure campaign was a multilayered hybrid warfare with repercussions. In this regard, historically, the American security arrangement in Western Asia has undergone various stages. In the 1970s it was based on the Twin Pillars of Nixon while later on it was based on confrontation which was adopted under different terms such as dual containment and containment. In this study through a contextual analysis it is deducted that the campaign against Iran was an American example of multi-layered hybrid warfare. In addition, it is argued that this multi-layered hybrid warfare created an unstable region. This development alongside the American pivot to Asia has created a regional arrangement which involves great power competition and is inclined towards Chinese and Russian intervention and mediation. Thus an increased third party foothold and a destabilized regional order are the outcomes of the maximum campaign, which ostensibly contradict the American pivot to Asia.

Branches of international law closely concern international and non-international armed conflicts. So, these principles are tried to be operationalized in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. From the point of view of international law, the disputed region is recognized as a part of the territory of Azerbaijan, and no country has recognized the self-proclaimed Republic of Armenia there. Nagorno-Karabakh region belongs to Azerbaijan from the perspective of international law and based on the resolutions of the Security Council. This study is conducted to examine the legal aspects of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, seeking an answer to its legal implications. According to the results, Azerbaijan's rights to maintain its territorial integrity are undeniable and legitimate. However, the actions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, even in the context of defending its territorial integrity, should not pose a threat to the Armenian people of Karabakh. Referring to the acceptance of the principle of territorial integrity regarding the right of nations to self-determination in international law, any action against this principle is not legitimate, and the right to self-determination is accepted as long as the said principle is not violated.