درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Over decades, the United States (U.S.) and Saudi Arabia are key strategic partner. Of late a series of letters of intent has been exchanged between the two countries for the arms deal totalling approximately $ 110 billion immediately, and $ 350 billion. This arms deal, is a move to combat and contest the influence of Iran in the region. The relationship between Iran and the allies of the United States waned, after the U.S. pressurised the countries to discontinue trading oil with Iran. It is anticipated that it could trigger an arm race in the region, and likely to escalate the tensions. Owing to the same, this paper aims to assesses the significance of the arms deal between the US and Saudi Arabia, and, moreover, its implications for Middle East strategic landscape. Concurrently, this paper discusses the U.S. President Trump’s vision to links the economic security with national security in detail. On the backdrop of Saudi Arabia foreign policy goals, the paper also analyses the responses of Iran

Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other.  

Spatial justice as a new term focuses more on cities, so it is important to address the national scale. Spatial injustice refers to the imbalanced distribution of valuable political, social and economic power, wealth, infrastructures and opportunity resources. From a political geography point of view, spatial injustice can be a threat to the national integrity, national & domestic security and creation of critical areas in the state. The main goal of this paper is Identification and categorization of factors affecting the spatial injustice in Iran. This paper tries to find an answer to the research main question: What are the most important factors affecting spatial injustice in Iran? This study is practical regarding its purpose and in terms of data collection is survey descriptive. Moreover, its data collection is from the questionnaire. First, the dimensions and spatial injustice indicators are distinguished based on the review of the literature, content and comparative analysis of related researches, and interviews with experts. Then using the methodology of modern analytical-interpretive structural modeling (ISM), the relationship between the indicators is determined and analyzed. Finally, the type of variables according to their influence and reception on other variables was identified using MICMAC analysis. Results show that the most important foundations of spatial injustice in Iran based on Interpretive-Structural Modeling Are Inequality in the distribution of power, wealth and opportunities and Theoretical weakness about the spatial justice domain of knowledge

This paper seeks to draw scenarios for the future of the Middle East regional system, and considers the actors in the Middle East regional system as: 1. regional powers; 2. failed states in the region; in this paper the three failed states are mentioned: Iraq, Syria and Yemen, 3. active groups inside the failed states, and 4. interventionist powers, such as the United States and Russia, which intervene from an international level in the regional system of the Middle East. In this regard, the constructive variables of the regional system of the Middle East has been studied which include: the problematic, the boundary, the pole, the anarchy, the interaction pattern, the individual and the structure of the international system. The paper argues that every regional system has the problematic and based on the data obtained, the current problematic at the regional level is the existence of the failed states of Yemen, Iraq and Syria. Hence, it is about examining and identifying other variables surrounding the problematic, and ultimately on whether the objectives and actions of the poles of power in the region on the one hand, and the goals and actions of the superpowers on the international level are in line with the resolution of the problematic or conflicting and contradictory to the problematic, provides scenarios for the variables that shape the regional system, and in particular the regional interaction pattern. Based on these scenarios, the future of Iran's foreign policy can be explained.

The Middle East and North Africa regions have been the focus of security crises since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Although insecurity has not been restricted in this region, its effects are evident in other regions of the international system, especially in the European countries. With this in mind, the main question of the present article is how can a comprehensive model be presented to fundamentally resolve the security issue in the region. The result of this study is that "regional awareness" is a concept on the basis of which one can find a way out of the existing security impasse. In fact, the results are based on the fact that native solutions to the security of the country, instead of rental security, bring peace and security to the region. In this regard, governments, intellectuals, and people must engage in regional negotiations to fulfill their national interests.