درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Many scholars believe that the city is a social innovation whose size, location, and internal organization are in terms of "power"; And many changes in the structure and role-playing of the city are due to the mobility of "citizens". The shape and appearance of the city, like the country, represents the pressure from the bottom up. Therefore, urban space processes have very low effects on the whole of politics, especially political development Competitiveness is one of the important issues that has been emphasized in urban literature in recent years and in this regard, different perspectives on the determinants of competitiveness have been presented. As a geographical phenomenon, the city has an effective role in power games and constitutes the most important spatial level of stress, action and competition in the present age. The present fundamental research with descriptive-analytical method express the fact that the necessary fields for their geopolitical study have been provided by creating a competitive environment and promoting the domestic and international competitiveness level of metropolises. Hence, an urban-scale geopolitics has made cities important actors in different geographical areas. The results of this study show that there is a relationship between the effectiveness of the roles of a place and the geographical area with its "power". That is, as the roles have more extensive and in other words the broader function, the power of geographic location increases, like global cities. Indeed, the phenomenon of the city is studied and investigated in various dimensions, with emphasis on the central elements of politics, power and competition.

Humanitarian intervention is a controversial issue in international relations and it is imperative for policy makers to understand its nature and complexities. This article seeks to explain France’s humanitarian actions during the Rwandan genocide in 1994 and how they were used to protect its strategic interests in Africa and Rwanda. Retrospectively analyzing the actions of France during the Rwandan genocide would provide invaluable insights on how powerful states advance their selfish national interests under the guise of humanitarianism. France’s military intervention in Rwanda represented the attempt to weave its strategic interests with its duty under international law to respond in cases of genocide and serious violations of human rights. The descriptive analysis method is used to build the arguments of this article and the conclusion reveals that France’s actions of leading the humanitarian intervention during the Rwandan genocide were not manifestations of a benevolent foreign policy but the pursuit of its selfish goals.

Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other.  

This study is reassessing the geopolitical consideration of the British government in the Sixth Days of the Arab-Israeli War,1967. Based on declassified documents from the British’s archive, this paper will analyze the geopolitical factor which shaped London’s reaction towards the conflict. Middle East geopolitical position was very strategic to the British interests in the region. Hence, the focus of this paper is to re-examine the consequence of the war toward Britain’s attitude in preserving her strategic military position and economic calculation in the Middle East between 1960s to early 1970s. These including the paramountcy of the British military bases in the region, arm trade commercial activities and a disruption of the oil flow from the region to the West. From historical perspective and analysis, this paper argued that the threats from the Soviet and Arab nationalist movements during the conflict had significantly influenced the British government’s reaction towards the war. Although London did not involve directly in the conflict like in the 1956’s Suez Crisis, yet British’s response was still crucial since Britain was the prime architect in drafting and tabling the United Nation Resolution 242 after the war. Indeed, this research inclines to believe that the British equilibrium attitude as proclaimed during the conflict was not purely based on a principle of a just and lasting peace but it was very much relying upon geopolitical consideration of safeguarding British major strategic interests in the region.   .

This study reviews the relationship between geopolitics and geo-economics of the Eastern Mediterranean gas resources and Turkey’s perspective on it. The dispute over the region’s resources has entered a dangerous phase in 2019, and the coastal countries are trying to discover new gas resources in areas that overlap with other countries’ marine basins. This has caused a new conflict in the region at two levels. The first level is the dispute between Turkey and Greece over the Cyprus issue, which has also been drawn to this issue. The second one is the fierce geopolitical rivalry between Turkey and other coastal actors such as Egypt and Israel. For showing its decisiveness, Turkey signed a maritime border agreement with Libya in 2019 to neutralize its rivals on the gas issue. In this context, it may be asked, what does motivate the Turkish authorities in their strict policies towards the Eastern Mediterranean? According to the findings, Turkey is trying to take legal-political and military steps to faze the unity of rivals, and this has enabled the Turkish authorities to project and adapt their power in order to enhance their role and presence in the region.

After the 2015 refugee crisis, the far right parties are not marginal anymore and they have become mainstream in most of the European countries. The present paper aims to (1) portray a perspective of the rise of the far right in Europe with emphasis on their characteristics specially Euroscepticism, nationalism and xenophobia (2) provide a summary for the main cause for the rise of the far right parties (3) to come to some further insights about their supporters and social base by analyses and review of the prior researches. In this article, we focus on immigration and refugee crises as the main reasons for the recent success of Far right parties in Europe, the study reveals that these parties benefited from the protest vote and rise of dissatisfaction among the citizen toward the ruling elites, however, the refugee crisis and arrival of foreign immigrants to Europe, and particularly Germany, and poor performance of traditional political left and right parties are among the main causes for their rise.

While we want to assess whether a person is suitable to lead a country, usually we will think about an important keyword—the ability of governance. However, it is an irrational expectation if we are asking a national leader to be self-disciplined and accountable to the people and the country. On the other hand, the people always got the same question, why a lot of leaders performed better at first but they usually faced with negative comments or the trials at last, or even being imprisoned for a long time? The major character in this article is Omar Al-Bashir, he is a former president of Sudan, he has been overthrown by the people’s force in 2019—a so-called successful “revolution” in Sudan. The overthrown of Omar Al-Bashir showed an example of unsuccessful governance in causing to this successful revolution. The article aims to show the governance weaknesses of Omar Al-Bashir in Sudan, and discuss how these weaknesses caused the revolution.      .

As the COVID-19 pandemic rages through the world, a “tsunami” of legal and economic issues including breach of contracts occurred in the private and public sectors. In Iran and throughout the world, almost all contracts contain so-called “force majeure” clauses, which excuse a business’s non-performance if circumstances beyond their control prevent (or sometimes hinder) performance. These clauses often list out the circumstances which excuse non-performance and they may include flood, fire, terrorism, war “Act of God” and sometimes epidemic. Due to the impacts of the pandemic on the price of materials and tremendous increase in the costs, contractors try to take COVID-19 as a legal excuse (force majeure) to breach the contract. The present paper tries to answer the questions that can the contractors take force majeure as a “get out of jail free” card? Does the COVID-19 outbreak constitute force majeure and excuse non-performance of contract? And how does it affect “time of Essence” clauses in contracts? Through the critical analysis method, this article scrutinizes the legal challenges of the issue.  Findings show that having a look ahead, the legislator has to redefine the meaning of force majeure in the Iranian and European law .

China has become a competitive player in the global higher education landscape with a growing number of Chinese universities being part of the global rankings. With the significant improvement in the quality of some Chinese universities, education as a soft power was deployed by China toward ASEAN countries. This strategy was particularly evident in PRC Ministry of Education’s appeal to Chinese universities to serve the nation’s diplomatic strategies. This paper puts into perspective Sino-ASEAN people-to-people exchange and institutional linkages in the aspect of education. Overall, the article examines the intersections of soft power, geopolitics, and student mobility as situated in the Sino-ASEAN context. Through secondary data analysis, the trend of student mobility from ASEAN countries to China was traced. The results reveal that the ASEAN student outflows to China have been gradually increasing.  By strategically accepting more ASEAN students to Chinese universities, China assists in the development of ASEAN’s human resources and continues to be perceived as a partner in the region’s development.