Power

In some point of view, neither Michel Foucault nor Ibn Khaldun are considered philosophers in the conventional classifications, but both are very  important in intellectual and, of course, in philosophical contexts, especially for those who are interested in the deep study of human life from the perspective of political thought.The main concern of two thinkers, one in the 14 th century, the other in the 20th century, is the issue  of power, although neither of them provided a precise definition of it. In this article, an attempt has been made to show the place of power and domination in the political thought of both thinkers by examining the thoughts of two thinkers. And in search of an answer to this question, how did Asabiyyah and industry of religion in Ibn Khaldun's thought and social control through self-technology and discipline in Foucault's thought lead to the expansion of the domination of power? This article is written by analytically comparing the opinions of two thinkers based on Ibn Khaldun's most important book called Muqaddimah and Foucault's late works

Power as an institution, governance as structure and spatial organization is considered as an organizational tool in the service of the goals and aspirations of the institutions of power and governance structure. In this framework the spatial organization and geographic environment is a result of social organization (social, economic, political), and its natural and ecological system. Human authoritarianism can be the most fundamental strategies and mechanisms of social-biological will be considered in forming this relationship. This needs to be a strategy used by individuals and organizations, and apply to the exercise of power on the part of the space and its contents. The metropolitan centers are concentration of wealth, power, culture, and management and local, national and global forces. Therefore, special interest of organizations and the power forces to this phenomenon and the desire to intervene in the organization of functional, spatial can be expected in order to use most of the resources and opportunities. Urban society today is filled with many actors who each act according to their interests. Today the spatial function distribution can be considered the most important challenges of metropolitan governance. Thus, the efficiency and effectiveness of metropolitan governance structure depends on the acceptance of functional diversity in the metropolitan area and its reflection in the form of metropolitan governance. The new project of the government - the nation insisted on the unity and similarity more than difference and diversity. The emergence of multiculturalism as a political force is an indication of the failure of city project and future areas must to develop diversity and differences through democratic cultural pluralism. This paper presents an analytical method and aims to answer these questions: Whether it can be constructed such a regional city? What is the basic requirement for this a regional city? It seems principles of social justice (Principles that must fuse with the issues of planning and urban governance), such a difference and discrimination, citizenship, community and civic culture are minimum requirements to create a new system of urban civilization.

SynopsisWe are living in a media-saturated world. Not only we receive information, we have become prosumers and are able to communicate with the ‘world.’ This has been widely reflected in the academic texts. But is there a dark side to this ‘age of information freedom?’ My argument in this paper is that although we have gotten rid of one sort of tyranny and can more freely speak up, a more suppressive and widespread process of control and surveillance is underway. Worse than that, we the users seem to be comfort with that.

The relation between religion and politics is a question of extended background having received a variety of responses. The issue of the epistemological foundations of the issue and the logical possibility of the formation of Islamic politics is, however, a quite recent topic which has drawn the attention of a lot of contemporary analysts. Two main approaches can be distinguished in the field of the Islamic political discourse which believes in the integration of religion and politics. One is the rejection of secular arguments altogether towards deducing the possibility of "Islamic Politics". The other goes beyond the criticism of secularism and talks of the necessity of establishing "Islamic politics". This article deals with the second approach explaining the epistemological foundations of the Islamic politics and introducing the idea of how to make politics accord with religious law. Thus, understanding and practice of politics in a religious society is essentially impossible without reference to its initial foundations. 

Western Scientists throughout history express various definition and goals for power; Most of political scientists believe that power is the main concept of politics and power is the goal of politics. They categorized the power into varies classifications. In this paradigm, power means Material instruments and there is no any place for the immaterial instruments. In the other hand Islam as a Monotheistic religion not only mentions the material aspects of political concepts; definitions that provided by Islamic scholars have differences and sometimes contradictory with western definitions. Power is part of politics (not purpose of politics) and it has not intrinsic value. Purpose of politics are guidance of the human to perfection, Establishment of order and justice and Prevention of cruelty. Unlike the western concept, the source of power and the source of its legitimacy is Allah. So in this paper I try to introduce the theory of power in Islam. The main question of this paper is: what is the definition of power in Islam and what are its differences with the western definitions.  

The expression of the reality that there is a relationship between the political system and the knowledge type in all societies that contributes to the establishment and continuity of power, guides us to discuss the ideal political knowledge in Iran, appropriate to the Islamic strategic teachings. In other words, Islam has its own requirements impacting all scientific realms including political science. From this viewpoint, the major question is: “What is the strategic requirement of Islam in political realm”? To answer this question, the researcher has tried, using the comparative method, to clarify the differences between the Islamic policy and the secular policy, and then to suggest a new political model. This new model is under the influence of the Islamic teachings from four aspects, namely: first ontological aspect which compares the two-dimensional Islamic viewpoint with the one-dimensional viewpoint of secularism; second, epistemology that compares the software approach of Iranian culture with the hostile one; third, providence that considers salvation as a substitute for hegemonism; and forth, methodology that suggests morality as an alternate for instrumentalism.

The purpose of the present research is to read Brief Interviews with Hideous Men in the light of Fredric Jameson's theories. In Brief Interviews with Hideous Men, the writer depicts how irony and self-consciousness have penetrated the culture of postmodern man and how capitalism and neoliberalism have influenced people's lives and identities and, with the help of ideology, have turned man into a thing incapable of human relations. Fredric Jameson declares that historicizing literary texts can help the readers understand the latent and deep layers of meaning in the works. Jameson's main concern is that in a neoliberal society, the authorities use ideology to preserve power, and by ideology, they turn citizens into consumers. The result is the alienation and reification of people, and they lose their true identities, which is the death of the postmodern man. By reading this short story collection from a Jamesonian perspective, the reader tries to investigate the man's identity in a neoliberal society to show how a closed system like a neoliberal system can preserve power by using ideology to influence the mindset of the citizens and reify and alienate them and impose the superiority of market on them. This research shows how Wallace investigates man’s identity in a neoliberal society to show how a closed system like a neoliberal system can preserve power by using ideology to influence the mindset of the citizens and reify and alienate them and impose the superiority of market on them and how the identity of people is gone and how the death of the postmodern man has happened.

The aim of this research paper is to study the notion of power and other related concepts devised by Foucault in the novel of The Great Gatsby by F. Scott Fitzgerald. Foucault's theory of power suggests that power is omnipresent, that is, power can be found in all social interactions. In fact, that power is interwoven in all social relations. Moreover, a discourse is made by the government in which identity of characters does not remain fixed and autonomous; truth, as a metaphysical concept, which is supposed to exist as a definite reality becomes a mere game by power relations. The most important aspect that can be seen in this novel is the role of discourse and power in society. Since the novel is set in Jazz age and it coincides with rise of new ideology called American dream, it could be concluded that the characters are influenced by the discourse in which they are living. In fact, the ideology of American dream controls their lifestyle – particularly, the main character – Jay – who has changed himself from a proletarian into a member of bourgeoisie society. Therefore, the identity of the characters is not a fixed concept since how they have gone through process of changing influenced by power relationship which can be seen within them. Moreover, the concept of truth is distorted and unstable in this novel.

Introduction: After the overthrow of the Achaemenid government by Alexander and the short-term rule of him and his successors, the Arsacid dynasty rose from the east of Iran. The Arsacid created a just and powerful government, but with all these powers, the Arsacid government, like others, suffered from political immorality, which gradually infiltrated its body and caused its overthrow. Over time, the internal conflicts over the power and the position of the king emptied this strong dynasty from the inside. The present study was formed with the aim of investigating the role of political immorality and power struggle in the decline of the Ashkan people. Material and Methods: This review article was done with a descriptive analytical method and investigated the mentioned topic using the library method. Conclusion: If political ethics is considered in the dimension of public policy, it can be said that according to the belief of many researchers, the Arsacid kings were the most just kings and they were less interested in building palaces and luxurious buildings and more focused on strengthening the economic body and distributing wealth in the society. But if political ethics is considered in the dimension of procedural ethics (or administrative ethics), it can be seen that as a result of trying to gain power under the influence of individual and group resources, a kind of quarrel and conflict was formed in the Arsacid dynasty which was effective in weakening the power of the Arsacid kings.