درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The Islamic - Iranian model of progress is a document based on the Iranian-Islamic principles and indigenous values of society, which seeks to achieve the final stage of the new Iranian-Islamic civilization in the future. Looking at development in a systematic way and providing mechanisms for participation and active-voluntary competition of social groups in the general sphere of society, is the focus of this model; thus, the attitude of the ruling political elite is key. The aim of this article is to answer this question: how the political culture of the ruling elites can achieve political development in the Iranian-Islamic model of progress? The hypothesis of the article is that the political culture of the ruling group is the source of political action and behavior in society. Therefore, reforming and improving the attitude of the ruling political elites towards political development within the framework of political and jurisprudential capacities in the religious discourse and the Islamic Revolution, provides the ground for the realization of political development in Iran as a model.  

By examining the conditions of possibility and refusal, the present study aimed to answer the main question 'Under what conditions, spiritual civilisation in the contemporary world becomes possible?'. In the timeological assessment of the civilisational situation, referring to the loss of the "Positive Aspect of Modern Civilisation" and its continued bio-negative in the absence of alternative models limitations, it examines the "Modern Position of Civilisation" in terms of universal basis and valuable theoretical framework different from current literature in modern and non-modern research civilisation. By creating a distinct consciousness organisation, do not block the path of spirituality in civil and civilised life, without eliminating science and technology, overlap with the universal needs of the world. And also create different formulations of civilisational actions, structures and relations that make the way of facing the world and science and technology meaningful, distinct and religious. Therefore, systemic Ijtihad and "Divine Verses" present the new spiritual civilisation's conceptual and theoretical organisation. In this context and with a critical approach, it recreates the Islamic Revolution's software infrastructures and civilisation-making organisationware.

The soft war to weaken the intellectual and cultural circles ruling the society and the instability of the socio-political system has a broad scope against Iran, and the role of the soft war officers is essential. Accordingly, with the descriptive-analytical method and qualitative approach, the present study has a development-applied aim to formulate the soft war officers’ position in advancing the goals of the revolution’s second phase. The study's statistical population includes experts and thinkers in the Islamic Revolution, and the sample size has been done through purposeful sampling (judgmental). Based on interviews with the elites, there are 31 components to the soft warfare officers’ role in advancing the goals of the revolution’s second phase. The most common consensus is acceptance of the Vilayat and defence of it (2 scores), formulation of budget deficit strategies (1.98 scores), establishing a think tank to formulate an operational plan of the "We Can" discourse in society (1.97 scores), demanding from officials regarding anti-corruption (1.96 scores), demanding from officials regarding justice spread (1.95 scores), formulation of strategies for improving people's livelihoods, increasing the value of the national currency and improving the purchasing power of the people (1.94 scores).

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 by the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the resulting discourse and its influence on the internal political and social structure, affected the Islamic world, the Middle East, and the Lebanese Shias. The rise of Hezbollah in Lebanon was a manifestation of the Islamic Revolution discourse on the Shia community regarding meaning and identity. With a critical approach, the present study aimed to answer the question ‘How close and different has Hezbollah to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the discoursive view, structural and identity?’. The issue was analyzed using the theory of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis and operationalized by explaining the positions of the movement, its leaders and the function of Hezbollah and comparing it with the political thought and works of Imam Khomeini as the Islamic Revolution ideologue. It shows that the Islamic Revolution has been very influential in shaping Hezbollah's Islamic and revolutionary identity. Meanwhile, the sign of Shia political Islam is the central sign of the Islamic Revolution discourse, and the (Islamic) resistance is the primary sign of the Hezbollah speech. The result indicated similarities in most floating characters, namely Shia political Islam, belief in Velayat-e Faqih, justice-seeking, nationalism, independence, issuance of Revolution and revolutionary identity, and resistance (struggle against Israel and anti-Zionism, and anti-arrogance). However, there are some identity distinctions regarding the emphasizing Hezbollah on the Shia, Arab and Lebanese identity and the broad definition of some signs and, consequently, the attribution of some meanings to them, which should be considered from the pathology of future relations between Iran and Hezbollah. This issue regarding common counter-discourses such as Salafi-Takfiri, Liberal Democracy and the Akhavani is essential.

Economic punishments and sanctions have been used against the Islamic Revolution of Iran as well as some other countries. But their efficacy is usually in dispute among politicians and economists. Current research reports the results of a randomized experiment that seeks to identify the cause of the failure of broad political punishments and sanctions. Most sanctions and political punishments are ultimately employed as a psychological-economic device. They are meant to adversely affect the opinion of the people of a country, thereby putting pressure on the government to change course. We propose and empirically test the hypothesis that a reduction of welfare has a different effect when it is attributed to an out-group versus an in-group agent. We find that when economic failure is believed to have been brought about by an outsider, it actually solidifies the position of the leader. There is, moreover, no statistically significant difference in the reactions across sexes. The study draws on insights from the sociology of group identity to propose an answer to an old question in political economy. There is, moreover, no statistically significant difference in the reactions across sexes. The study draws on insights from the sociology of group identity to propose an answer to an old question in political economy.

Development and progress as a complex concept based on a process have various dimensions and levels usually studied in economic, political, social, and cultural development. Political development is one of the essential dimensions and indicators critical in theories and approaches to development in schools of thought and political sociology studies. While defining and clarifying the concept of "Political Excellence" and recognising the differences between it and the idea of "Political Development" and introducing the indicators of this exploratory concept, the present article examines them in terms of content from Ayatollah Khamenei's perspective. The main question is about the place of political excellence idea and progress in Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought. In response, it should be said that in his view, political excellence will be achieved by considering local conditions and domestic equipment, which is a new viewpoint and an acceptable model to replace with the concept of Western political development. Explaining the concept of political excellence, while considering the Western models of development unsuccessful, emphasising the indigenous Iranian-Islamic model of progress, he expressed seven signs and indicators for the desired model of political excellence and improvement, some of which, such as struggle, the spirit of risk-taking and discipline, the foundations of Islamic epistemology and attention to the two dimensions of human [body and soul], are the prelude to excellence and progress, and others, such as ensuring the independence of the country, producing the science and realising the social justice, is the result of excellence and improvement. In explaining the manifestations of political excellence and progress, he also expresses characteristics of the people such as awareness and insight, participation and presence in scenes and elections, and public monitoring and unity.