مطالب

Les relations franco-iraniennes ont atteint leur apogée sous la dynastie qâdjâre sur tous les plans, y compris celui de la culture caractérisée par une certaine gallomanie qui déferla aussi sur une grande partie de l’Europe. Cette gallomanie culturelle se manifesta, entre autres, par une vague de traductions qu’on qualifia plus tard de Mouvement de la Traduction, mais aussi par le développement sans précédent de la Langue Française et des Ecoles françaises à travers les grandes villes du pays. La traduction à l’époque qâdjâre est connue pour être adaptatrice et iranisante, ou bien pour utiliser un terme bermanien, ethnocentrique. L’Adaptation comme le discours traductif dominant cherchant à amortir le choc culturel semble être une stratégie qui sans se fermer à l’Autre, permet de le contrôler et de filtrer ses discours pouvant ébranler une société hautement conservatrice, attachée au Même. Ainsi l’adaptation devient-elle un support pour une cette gallomanie linguistique et culturelle qui s’empare de la Cour et de la personne même du roi Nasserdine.Notre propos, dans cet article est de savoir comment la gallomanie et la traduction, comme deux formes de transfert culturel et littéraire, parfois antagonistes, peuvent se réconcilier sous un régime qui craint fort l’Autre, tout en voulant s’ouvrir à Lui. Selon toute vraisemblance, la traduction ethnocentrique est le discours traductif dominant sous les Qâdjârs, et pourtant, notre expérience de lecture de la littérature traduite française nous dit que le discours d’adaptation est parfois contrarié par un discours de la traduction qui prône la fidélité au texte original.

SummaryThis article first examines Erdogan's intellectual views against the background of his Muslim Brotherhood and then analyses the reasons for the change in Turkish strategies in the Middle East. The Middle East has always played an important role in the regional security strategies of Turkey and the Erdogan government. In the last two decades, Erdogan's special perceptual psychological characteristics as well as his personality and ambitions have led to the strengthening of Turkey's position in the Middle East region. In 2021-2023, Turkey faces new economic, security and domestic challenges that need to be analyzed. In this article, we have analyzed this topic using secondary data in an explanatory-analytical way. The main question is: What influence does Erdogan's Muslim Brotherhood have on Turkey's strategic policy in the Middle East region?The results of the study show that Erdogan's personality cult and the Muslim Brotherhood's desire to lead the Islamic world have led to the promotion of Turkey's position in the Middle East region on an abstract level. On a concrete level, this has led to a chaotic domestic political and economic situation as well as national security crises that have forced him to adopt a new policy towards Middle Eastern countries, particularly Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Erdogan's new policy is in contrast to his policy following the developments in the Arab world. The evolution of Erdogan's views in the Middle East promises a return to the principle of "zero problems with neighbors".Keywords: Erdogan, Turkey, Middle East, Justice and Development Party, Muslim Brotherhood and foreign policy.

Iranian Studies, a facet of Orientalism, has long intrigued Western academia. This research explores the alignment of the Institute of Iranian Studies (IFI) of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW) with Edward Said's Postcolonial Theory, questioning if IFI's work mirrors Said's views on the colonial roots of Orientalism. The research posits that the IFI's undertakings neither manifest a colonial inclination nor align seamlessly with Said's theoretical framework. To substantiate this claim, four seminal publications from the IFI were subjected to a directed content analysis based on constructing a research categories matrix, influenced by Said's postcolonial paradigm (Orientalism). Within this matrix, columns demarcate four representational domains: Politics, Society, Culture, and Religion, while rows differentiate six dichotomous concepts, including Similarity-Difference; Equality-Inferiority; Internal Convergence-Divergence; External Convergence-Divergence; Progress-Backwardness; and Freedom-Despotism. The findings suggest that the IFI's selected works portray Iran in a predominantly positive light across all domains. Thus, it appears that the IFI's 21st-century scholarly contributions diverge from Edward Said's postcolonial critique of Orientalism, with distinct differences in approach and perspective. However, considering Said's critique primarily targets works of English-speaking Orientalists from colonial powers, the conclusions of this research don't necessarily counter his theory. It suggests caution in generalizing Said's framework to German-speaking Orientalists, or more specifically, to the outputs of the IFI.