مطالب

Southwest Asia, despite its geographical, historical, cultural, and economic contexts, is extremely weak in terms of degree of convergence, and a series of border, political, security, and religious differences have led to critical conditions and suspicion of governments. has brought. Existing economic necessities, especially for countries with closed lands far from the high seas and effective international transportation networks. The aim of this study is to transform the convergence in West Asia and Southwest Asia and Iran's position in it. Southwest Asia is very important from both the land and sea dimensions of the Road Belt Initiative, but since the maritime dimension of this strategy covers a large part of the countries in the region, Southwest Asia has become a region that can play a maritime role. Play a leading role in achieving China's foreign policy goals. There are many reasons for Southwest Asia's pivotal position in China's maritime strategy, which is the most important source of energy for China's economy, as China is heavily dependent on energy imports for economic stability and continued production. Iran played a key role in the ancient Silk Road. From a geopolitical, economic and cultural point of view, Iran is an important country in the road belt initiative.

Income inequality is one of the undesirable phenomena of social life and most of the countries in the world have kept it their main goal to reduce Income inequality. This study is based on the economic impact of the doom index on the distribution of income using data from selected Islamic countries (Afghanistan, Albania, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Pakistan, Turkey, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Moldova and Uganda) from 2010 to 2018, using panel data approach for variables EViews model is used. This study explains the significant effect of misery index with a coefficient of (0.057) on the Gini coefficient and shows that with a one percent increase in the misery index can increase Gini coefficient by 0.057 percent and increases the class gap in societies. It also shows that Labor productivity with a coefficient of 0.01 has a significant negative effect on the Gini coefficient, which explains the 0.01% decrease in income distribution inequality due to a 1% increase in labor productivity. Therefore, in addition to controlling inflation and unemployment, improving human resource skills, economic policymakers should use incentive mechanisms to develop exports and the effectiveness of governments to reduce the class gap in their societies.

The aim of this study was to investigate the status of cognitive components of media literacy in the optimal use of social media in adolescents in Tehran. The study method is a survey and the statistical sample is 425 adolescents in Tehran in the eleventh and twelfth grades. Our statistical sample was selected as a cluster and randomly from schools in five areas of Tehran (north, south, west, east, and center), and the data using they were designed from a questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS and AMOS software. Findings showed that according to the level of significance and statistical value of t, media cognition on technological cognition and epistemological cognition, content production has a positive and significant effect on cognitive and technological cognition and media cognition, as well as epistemological cognition on technological cognition. Friedman found that technological knowledge has the highest and media knowledge has the lowest in terms of the desired situation.

The purpose of this study is to conduct comparative review of Iran and Turkey’s cultural diplomacy in Iraq after the US invasion and the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. Iran and Turkey, as two influential powers in the developments of the Middle East, are trying to advance their cultural diplomacy in Iraq according to the nature of their government, goals, and aspirations. The main question of the research is, “On what approach are the effectiveness factors of Iranian and Turkish cultural diplomacy in Iraq between 2003 and 2020 based?” The hypothesis is that Iranian cultural diplomacy in Iraq after 2003 has been following Shi’ism, the axis of resistance, and Iranianism as the cornerstones of its approach, as opposed to Turkish cultural diplomacy that is based on Turkish nationalism and neo-Ottomanism. Accordingly, each of these governments is trying to exert influence in Iraq using soft power and cultural diplomacy. In doing this, Iran and Turkey have different conditions, opportunities, threats, and tools to advance their cultural diplomacy. The research findings indicate that Iran is in a better position than Turkey in terms of conditions, opportunities and tools but the focus on Shiism and the issue of resistance in Iraq has led to little attention paid to other features of cultural diplomacy. In contrast, Turkey, with its benefit-oriented and opportunistic approach, has been able to make the most of tools such as Kurdish language and literature, media diplomacy, tourism development, scientific and educational topics, etc. through careful planning and has gained more influence in Iraq. The method of data analysis is descriptive-analytical and the data collection was carried out via library research.