World order

The purpose of this paper is to apply Ibn-Khaldun’s dialectic of Asabiyya to explain the nature of relationship between war and the world order in the modern era via ‘macro structural change’. It is argued here that these changes in the world order in the modern times have a dialectical relationship with war. Here, Ibn-Khaldun’s approach to historical change is applied for the explication of this relationship. Ibn-Khaldun’s well-known historiogarphic enterprise does provide us with an analytical framework of how wars have been interrelated with the distribution of power and change in that distribution. This paper attempts to show the historical significance of war for the formation and the disintegration of world order since the 16th century.

The Coronavirus phenomenon should be considered as an issue that will cause damage to other countries in the context of international interdependence. At the same time, the structure of the international system has placed a responsibility on China, as well as on international organizations and other countries in the fight against this transnational threat. China wants to change its international face, from security and disruptive acting to economic-security acting and protesting the existing international order. As a result, such events tend to have the least impact on the country's international relations and, above all, at the international level, overcoming this crisis will benefit it. At the international level, given China's position in the international economy and the interdependence of many countries, while overcoming this dependence on other areas and the interaction of the economy of all international countries, the Corona crisis is a matter of cooperation and convergence. Currently, under the auspices of the United Nations and the World Health Organization, countries are trying to do their utmost to help reduce this devastating phenomenon. The US approach so far, unlike Japan, which has been trying to resolve the crisis, has been more concerned with China's fear and instrumental use of the crisis to compete with China and define itself as a superpower. In contrast, pro-multilateralist countries, especially US allies in Europe, have used a pragmatic approach to focus on their national interests and help resolve the international crisis.

Iran, despite great geopolitical and geo-economics potential, faces many complex internal and external predicaments due to its independent foreign policy and lack of dependence on international powers. On one hand, the cooperation of other actors with the severe US sanctions against Iran also seems to be influenced by Iran's independent policy. On the other hand, the change in power relations has shown the signs of the emergence of new world order. In such a circumstance, some believe that Iran can enjoy greater security and enhance its international standing by shifting its orientation toward the new great power. Accordingly, the present study seeks to identify and explain the uncertainties affecting Iran`s orientation in the evolution of the international order. The hypothesis is that the drivers of the nuclear agreement or disagreement, the lifting of sanctions against Iran or Iran bypassing the sanctions on the one hand, and the existing critical uncertainties, the anti-Iranian policy of the United States, and the pessimism and mistrust between Iran and the United States, on the other hand, affect Iran's orientation in the changing conditions of the global order. The research aims to examine the conditions and tools of Iran in maintaining an independent and active foreign policy. The research method in this article is a combination of the analytical-explanatory retrospective method with a futuristic approach based on scenario building.

China has invested in the Gwadar port in Pakistan to create an economic corridor with the aim of connecting China to Central Asia through the Indian Ocean. This program is part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), including several roads, sea routes, and corridors. On the other hand, India, a regional rival to China, is keen to invest in the port of Chabahar in the I.R. Iran to create the International North-South corridor, which can connect India to Central Asia, the Middle East, Russia, and Northern Europe through the Indian Ocean. According to these significant facts, two critical questions will be discussed in the present study: the first question investigates whether Indo-Chinese competition makes Chabahar and Gwadar rival ports, and the second question examines whether it would be possible for China to investigate in Chabahar as an alternative corridor. To address these questions, the present study hypothesizes that Chabahar can be an international port, fulfilling the interests of all parties, including China. This study is a qualitative research, based on the International Order theory by Hadley Bull, using the SWOT analysis in order to address the strength, weaknesses, opportunities and challenges of Iran-China bilateral relations in Chabahar for both sides. For collecting the data, existing documents and articles, as well as in-depth interviews have been used. Results indicate that the Chabahar port, as one of the main gateways to the Iranian transit corridors, could be a common point of Interest for Iran, India and China to create a regional order, based on cooperation in transit.