درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Historical maps are one of the most important sources for studying the historical geography of lands, borders of dynasties and territories, historical names and border changes. also, by studying historical maps, one can discover the geographical vision and view of people throughout the centuries and in different societies, and in this way achieve a correct understanding of concepts such as the world, geography, territorial boundaries and things like these. on the other hand, the researcher of Iranian history, especially the researcher of the Safavid era, is bound to refer to various maps that have been drawn about the geographical boundaries of Iran. by studying the elements and data included in the historical maps, one can get a visual understanding of the borders of Iran's territory and the correct recording of specific geographical names. the map of the "Etats du Grand-Seigneur en Asie : Empire de Perse, Pays des Usbecs, Arabie et Egypte" was drawn in the first half of the 12th century AH/18th CE by the efforts of two of the most prominent European cartographers of that era, namely Gilles Robert de Vaugondy and his son Didier Robert de Vaugondy. Vaugondies were prominent cartographers in the 17th and 18th centuries whose scientific activities were largely acknowledged in the French court and across Europe, and European rulers tended to acquire maps and geographical globes developed by the Vaugondies. Now the question is, how did a European cartographer describe the geographical area of Iran in the early 18th century? Did he look at the territory of Iran from a dynastic lens or did he consider it as a whole unit? Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative methodology, the present study strives to outline the domain of Iran in the late Safavid period based on the information provided on the map drawn by Gilles Robert de Vaugondy and Didier de Vaugondy. Analysis of obtained data unveils that Vaugondy, alike his contemporaries, regarded Iran as a unit and distinct geography. The image that he provided of the boundary of Iran also aligns with Persian texts of the given era.

Administrative system is one of the deep-rooted and ancient institutions of Iran. Administrative system or in other words court-administrative organization in any government is considered as one of the structures of a political system, which is very important and plays a significant role in the consistency of a government. The court-administrative organization of Safavid, which went through the three stages of formation, stabilization and peak along with the two elements of continuity and development, was one of the powerful administrative systems of post-Islamic Iran, which its examples became as a model for Iranian governments after Safavid. The fundamental desire of the present research is to examine the role and position of the court organization considering the foreign relations of Safavid. The research method in this study is based on the descriptive-analytical method and the method of collecting information is library. The results and achievements of the present research illustrated that that positions such as Monshi ol-Mamalek, Majless Nevis (events writer), Īshīk Āghāsī Bāshī, Mehmandar Bashi, Yesavol Sohbat, Pishkesh Nevis and Nazer each played a role in issues related to Safavid foreign relations.

Southwest Asia, despite its geographical, historical, cultural, and economic contexts, is extremely weak in terms of degree of convergence, and a series of border, political, security, and religious differences have led to critical conditions and suspicion of governments. has brought. Existing economic necessities, especially for countries with closed lands far from the high seas and effective international transportation networks. The aim of this study is to transform the convergence in West Asia and Southwest Asia and Iran's position in it. Southwest Asia is very important from both the land and sea dimensions of the Road Belt Initiative, but since the maritime dimension of this strategy covers a large part of the countries in the region, Southwest Asia has become a region that can play a maritime role. Play a leading role in achieving China's foreign policy goals. There are many reasons for Southwest Asia's pivotal position in China's maritime strategy, which is the most important source of energy for China's economy, as China is heavily dependent on energy imports for economic stability and continued production. Iran played a key role in the ancient Silk Road. From a geopolitical, economic and cultural point of view, Iran is an important country in the road belt initiative.

Income inequality is one of the undesirable phenomena of social life and most of the countries in the world have kept it their main goal to reduce Income inequality. This study is based on the economic impact of the doom index on the distribution of income using data from selected Islamic countries (Afghanistan, Albania, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Pakistan, Turkey, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Moldova and Uganda) from 2010 to 2018, using panel data approach for variables EViews model is used. This study explains the significant effect of misery index with a coefficient of (0.057) on the Gini coefficient and shows that with a one percent increase in the misery index can increase Gini coefficient by 0.057 percent and increases the class gap in societies. It also shows that Labor productivity with a coefficient of 0.01 has a significant negative effect on the Gini coefficient, which explains the 0.01% decrease in income distribution inequality due to a 1% increase in labor productivity. Therefore, in addition to controlling inflation and unemployment, improving human resource skills, economic policymakers should use incentive mechanisms to develop exports and the effectiveness of governments to reduce the class gap in their societies.

The aim of this study was to investigate the status of cognitive components of media literacy in the optimal use of social media in adolescents in Tehran. The study method is a survey and the statistical sample is 425 adolescents in Tehran in the eleventh and twelfth grades. Our statistical sample was selected as a cluster and randomly from schools in five areas of Tehran (north, south, west, east, and center), and the data using they were designed from a questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS and AMOS software. Findings showed that according to the level of significance and statistical value of t, media cognition on technological cognition and epistemological cognition, content production has a positive and significant effect on cognitive and technological cognition and media cognition, as well as epistemological cognition on technological cognition. Friedman found that technological knowledge has the highest and media knowledge has the lowest in terms of the desired situation.

Virtual space and the associated social networks, like many other emerging phenomena, have both positive and negative consequences in various aspects of life. The undeniable impact of this space is particularly significant in the national security of countries, as it can create numerous opportunities for national security along with the changes and developments it brings about. This research aims to identify the opportunities that social networks create for the infrastructure of national security. Data were collected through grounded theory and in-depth interviews with 16 experts in the fields of politics and virtual space. The data were analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding methods, employing the Strauss and Corbin approach. The research results indicate that virtual social networks can provide unique opportunities for national security by strengthening the infrastructures of social, political, cultural, economic, and environmental security. The research results are presented in the form of a paradigm model of opportunities.

The purpose of this study is to conduct comparative review of Iran and Turkey’s cultural diplomacy in Iraq after the US invasion and the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. Iran and Turkey, as two influential powers in the developments of the Middle East, are trying to advance their cultural diplomacy in Iraq according to the nature of their government, goals, and aspirations. The main question of the research is, “On what approach are the effectiveness factors of Iranian and Turkish cultural diplomacy in Iraq between 2003 and 2020 based?” The hypothesis is that Iranian cultural diplomacy in Iraq after 2003 has been following Shi’ism, the axis of resistance, and Iranianism as the cornerstones of its approach, as opposed to Turkish cultural diplomacy that is based on Turkish nationalism and neo-Ottomanism. Accordingly, each of these governments is trying to exert influence in Iraq using soft power and cultural diplomacy. In doing this, Iran and Turkey have different conditions, opportunities, threats, and tools to advance their cultural diplomacy. The research findings indicate that Iran is in a better position than Turkey in terms of conditions, opportunities and tools but the focus on Shiism and the issue of resistance in Iraq has led to little attention paid to other features of cultural diplomacy. In contrast, Turkey, with its benefit-oriented and opportunistic approach, has been able to make the most of tools such as Kurdish language and literature, media diplomacy, tourism development, scientific and educational topics, etc. through careful planning and has gained more influence in Iraq. The method of data analysis is descriptive-analytical and the data collection was carried out via library research.