racism

The paper uses the case study of the controversy regarding the construction of a mosque near the site of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in Manhattan, New York, to analyze the different theoretical approaches to the concept of solidarity. It is argued that the presence of affectional solidarity which is based on feelings of caring, friendship and love was very limited in the case under study. Instead the primary form of solidarity present in the ground zero mosque debate was conventional solidarity, which is based primarily on common interests and concerns that are established through shared traditions and values. Nevertheless, conventional solidarity uses membership within a group to advocate for solidarity. In many instances however, people in need of solidarity might fall outside of the boundaries of “we,” and as a result limiting the utility of the approach. This is why the paper advocates for a revised form of Jodi Dean’s reflective solidarity, which is based on mutual responsibility toward each other despite our differences. It is argued that in its current form this approach is a normative universal ideal which holds great potential but is unclear, underspecified and impractical. However, by injecting some “realism” into this theoretical approach, reflective solidarity is superior to affectional and conventional approaches.

According to some researchers (Hopkins, 2004a; Hopkins & Smith, 2008), there is a perception among certain Muslims that anti-Muslim racism is higher in areas where there is a high density of Muslim residents, such as Glasgow. In contrast, other Muslims may feel that Islamophobia is higher in places with fewer numbers of Muslim residents. Through an investigation of Muslims’ experiences of Islamophobia in major Scottish cities, this paper discusses the influence of the size of Muslim communities in experiencing Islamophobia[1]. It also examines the importance of other possible factors, such as socio-economic status and deprivation on Islamophobia. To this end, the experience and accounts of 33 Muslim participants in major Scottish cities (Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen and Dundee) were documented and analyzed through qualitative methods. The findings of this paper suggest that Muslims’ individual and social aspects of life play a more important role on Islamophobia, as opposed to the size of their population in a certain area. More precisely, the analysis of Muslims who experienced Islamophobia suggests that Muslims’ identity and visibility, especially racial and religious signifiers such as skin color, beard or hijab, were crucial to their experiences of Islamophobia. [1]. This is compared, in another research (Author, 2015), to the experiences of 10 Muslim participants in small Scottish cities and towns (Falkirk, Dunfermline, East Kilbride and Stirling) where that the number of Muslims living in those areas is less than one percent of the local population (National Records of Scotland, 2013).

In American history, the ‘Black body’ has been commodified both during the slavery era and in the contemporary period whereby the private management of prisons has partly resulted to mass Black incarceration. The abolition of slavery some 150 years ago is still fairly recent compared to the 400 years it was practiced: thus some of the heinous treatments by slave owners were carried over into the criminal justice system, causing the police, jury, judges, etc., to treat Black people unequally and unfairly compared to their White counterparts. From the ‘proceedings of the rebellious negroes’ in the slavery era to the racialized media coverages of police brutality against Black people, Black protests, treatment of criminal suspects, etc., the American mass media have been identified as playing a major role in the maintenance of the deep racist structures that perpetuate mass Black incarceration. This paper links up some historical practices against Black people with the contemporary racist practices in order to show that slavery is still functionally alive in America and manifests concretely through the justice system: this paper aims at amplifying the ongoing debates toward obliterating the remnants of slavery in America.

Resistance literature deals with concepts such as subjugation and deliverance. Translation of this type of literature has played an important role in transferring such concepts to other countries. The purpose of this study is to present a quantitative-analytical study of the novels of resistance literature translated from English to Persian during the four administrations which were in power in Iran between 1978 and 2005. To this end, historiography approach proposed by Pym (2014) was applied. Primarily, the themes of the novels were classified based on Harlow (1987) and DeShazer’s (1994) model of classification of resistance literature. The themes include race discrimination, class conflict, war, colonialism, post-colonialism, and totalitarianism. Then, the translated novels of each administration were examined to see which ones covered the above themes. The results indicated that only 6% of the published translations of the period under study was allocated to resistance novels. It can be concluded that translation of resistance novels was marginalized, and Iranians were basically reading novels covering themes other than resistance literature.

The “Black Lives Matter” civil rights movement has left profound effects on the international approach of the US government toward human rights. This movement reached its peak in 2020 and profoundly affected culture, politics, and policy making in the US. The two major parties reacted differently – the Democrats showed support but Republicans opposed it. These reactions help us analyze the US international policy toward human rights. US human rights policy has been embedded in the theory of “American exceptionalism”, which considered US the best incarnation of human rights and its interests as a superpower equal to its protection. But the Black Lives Matter movement challenges this narrative and claims that human rights violations are an untold part of this story. The Democrats have adopted a new approach to American exceptionalism in response which considers The US to have an exceptional potential to embody human rights values but this potential is yet to be realized. Joe Biden has also prioritized human rights more than his predecessors since 1980s by criticizing the US and also adopting harsher policies toward US allies that violate human rights. It can be predicted that the Democrats will adopt a more normative approach toward human rights in the future.

The deepest and most rooted form of racism can be found in the Bible which claims the superiority of a race as God's demand or divine destination. But this idea survived in modern philosophy by appeal to the different methods. In this paper I will introduce methods of justifying racism, most of which are in the philosophical context. Legal racism claims that some races have not enough reason to be members of civil society and enjoy their rights. Racism in its historical method, claims that the history of thought has shown that some races play a major role in the production of thought and this is a result of their superiority. In philosophical method, it is argued that some of the human capabilities in some species have not been activated and finally in scientific method, it is claimed that the superiority of one race in the struggle for survival is a scientific achievement of the scientific laws such as Evolution hypothesis.

How did racism creep into the algorithms that govern our daily lives, from banking and shopping, to job applications? Connecting the legacy of enlightenment racism to forms of discrimination in modern day algorithms and Artificial Intelligence, this article examines what data feeds into AI technology - and how this data will shape our future, in terms of both social relations and politics.

In Postcolonialism the issue of the influential power of dominant hegemony over the resultants of cultural confrontation between colonized and colonizer is preponderantly under scrutiny. Frantz Fanon is an influential figure in building upon this conceptual framework; whose oeuvre is bestrewed with postulations regarding the consequences of colonization and racism on the identity, experience, and the psyche of colored people. By utilizing Fanon’s thought, this paper intends to analyze different aspects of the black experience, such as alienation, inferiority, and assimilation in Edward P. Jones’s Pulitzer-winning novel, The Known World (2003). Throughout the novel, the conduct of free or bonded black characters within the institution of slavery reflects that of the white culture, and Fanon’s ideas are called upon to investigate the origin and possible consequence and implications of such behaviors.

Purpose: The purpose of this article is to depict inequality cases and examine the complexity of black teachers' experiences in the British white system. For this reason, the researchers of this article applied concepts of whiteness, intersectionality, and battle fatigue to Boakye's I Heard What You Said (2022). Methodology: This is qualitative research and its nature is deductive. The theoretical framework primarily was based on Crenshaw and Bradbury's definitions of intersectionality, Kincheloe’s of whiteness, and Smith’s of battle fatigue. Loden and Rosener's diversity wheel was also used to clarify various cases of intersectionality. I Heard What You Said (2022) contains 56 experiences of a black teacher in the British white education system. The sample size includes all 56 experiences of the black teacher. Findings: Finding shows that Whiteness and the internalization of white characteristics play a significant role in defining black identities. They are inferior not only because of their different skin color but also because of numerous criteria and the differences from whites. In this educational system, all learning is also consistent with white beliefs and the norms that define them within the system. Boakye mentions that “‘white is light’ imagery and ‘white is right’ ideology” is imposed on students from the early days of attending schools which demonstrates white supremacy in the British education system. In the British educational system, not only are teachers marginalized, but also they have to make an effort in order to institutionalize white beliefs and ideas in students’ minds. The British education system ignores diversity in its curriculum, wanting to follow the concept of “sameness” in education. The narrator criticized the aim of the National Curriculum of England in the late 1860s, based on the view of Mattew Arnowl, citing some ambiguous concepts such as “essential knowledge”, “educated citizens”, “the best that has been thought and said”, and “…engender an appreciation of human creativity and achievements …” He explained the condition in Arnold's time in 1860. It highlighted that the white education system shows no changes in its aim through time. It seeks to stabilize its characteristics in the educational system in relation to ignorance of differences and white supremacy in all parts of the educational system in British. Furthermore, applying the concept of intersectionality, it becomes clear that each proof emphasizes the connection of the particular sections, which to some extent differs from others. Considering the concept of intersectionality in the context of whites being superior, makes the causes more complex. Applying the concept of battle fatigue shows that the black teachers fight against racism even if they believe they could bring insignificant changes to the British educational system. Conclusion: The research shows that black teachers' experiences of discrimination in the British education system are based not only on their skin color as black but on the connection between different dimensions of diversity and criteria in different areas of the personal, sociocultural, and organizational sphere. There is a need to revise the National Curriculum of Britain to start work on eliminating inequalities in the education document and to extend it to the whole education system.