مطالب

This study intends to review Israel's efforts to increase political and economic relations with Arab countries. It is clear that most Arab countries did not have any ties with Israel since the 1980s, and only two Egyptian states had established political relations with Israel since the 1973 war. But over the past few years, and especially after the start of the third millennium, a new trend has been formed by the Israeli authorities, which is still ongoing. This exit-isolation process is aimed at establishing friendships with Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and other Arab league members. However, the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution and the initiation of a new ideology in the Middle East brought the new Israeli regional strategy closer to speed, and Iran gradually became the main enemy of the two sides’ in the third millen-nium. It seems that the Arab countries have forgotten their aspirations towards the Pal-estinian people and help Israel achieve its goals.

Research on the special relationship between the United States and Israel has usually been focused on strategic aspects, whilst fewer scholars have focused on non-material dimensions of the relationship. In addition, the existing research is mostly confined to the political and decision-making realms, with very few excursions into the academic arena. The current article aims to fill this lacuna through the study of pro-Israel academic discourse in America, focusing on the specific case of the field of terrorism studies. Critical discourse analysis of pro-Israel academic texts in this field is carried out to reveal the discourse, themes and arguments used to build this ideational pillar of the special relationship and move towards a common identity between the US and Israel. The common ingroup identity model (CIIM) is used to describe the process through which a common identity is constructed. The article concludes that defining the Self, defining the Other, and defining the norms are the three main strategies employed in the studied texts to achieve this goal.

American mass media’s relation with the US government in foreign policy decision-making has been the subject of numerous studies in the interdisciplinary field of political communication. This paper reexamines the interaction between the media and the government in the US foreign policy decision-making process, analyzing the possible congruity and/or incongruity between The Washington Post’s commentaries and former US President Barack Obama’s anti-terrorism campaign. A Critical Discourse Analysis of two Obama statements on counterterrorism, one Washington Post Op-Ed and one editorial suggest that there is an agreement between Obama’s speeches and the corresponding newspaper articles in topics such as choosing defense over offense, changing the conventional war trend, deploying troops, closing down GTMO, avoiding torture and the violation of American citizens' privacy, freedom of press, avoiding giving too much importance to terrorists, and increasing air marshals on flights. Hence, this study confirms the theory of Robinson, which argues that the mediastate relation, i.e. the relationship between The Washington Post’s commentaries and President Barack Obama’s statements, is a bidirectional process in which both American elite media and the US government are involved in attempting to influence the other party under certain conditions.

Islamophobia is defined as a closed-minded hatred, fear or prejudice toward Islam and Muslims that result in discrimination, marginalization, and oppression. This phenomenon was strengthened after September 11 marked a watershed in the history of America. In the wake of 9/11, Islamophobia was promulgated in a plethora of textual and visual narratives, including novel. This paper studies Islamophobia in Greg Hrbek’s latest novel Not on Fire, But Burning (2015). A close reading of the novel reveals that the novel couples Islam with terrorism and barbarity, and sets forth the Self/Other dichotomy, which is rather cherished in the discourse of Islamophobia. As observed in a long history of Islamophobic rhetoric, Hrbek’s novel depicts that certain people, undoubtedly Muslims, are outside the American system of values, ready to catch America off-guard. With the images the work promotes of Islam and its followers, it is argued that Not on Fire, But Burning reinforces Islamophobia and biased frames of reference on Islam and Muslims.

The present Russian political system is tied up with Putin's name; and Putin is consi-dered as a full-fledged political reality. Today's powerful Russia, which has got a new life after the Cold War and the weak collapse period, and has a major impact on global developments including the Middle East, is not understandable except under this title. What inspired writers to analyze Putin's performance is to study the causes of the exis-tence of a personality such as him and the formation of Putinism in today's Russian so-ciety. Knowing the performance of Putin and Putinism requires a clear answer to some questions like, why the phenomenon of Putinism in the 21st century whit democratic structure has emerged and persisted, and what is Putinism at all? The hypothesis that will be presented to understand this issue is that the long-standing political culture of Russia and the geographical and historical imperative of Russian nation have led to the emergence and continuation of Putinism in today's Russian society, as well as the secu-rity and economic problems of the 1990s, humiliation, pressure, and blockade of the west against Russia is the mainstay of the emergence and continuation of Putinism. To investigate the hypothesis of research, firstly we examine the system of pseudo-democracy and then we will discuss Putin's functions and behaviors in the economic, political, and social spheres. Finally, we will discuss about the Russian domestic context and the external factors that led to the formation of Putinism.

About whether Islamic philosophy can play a role in the production of humanities? There is a continuum of ideas that, on the one hand, are ideas that have neglected the role of Islamic philosophy in general. And on the other hand, there are ideas that incor-porate the teachings of Islamic philosophy into paradigmatic elements for the produc-tion of a new type of human science. In the meantime, the ideas emphasize the distinc-tive features of transcendental wisdom, such as the doctrine of the originality of exis-tence, the unity of existence, the imposition of existence and the essential movement among other branches of Islamic philosophy. But acknowledging the role of transcen-dental wisdom in directing humanities, it is clear that the teachings of transcendental wisdom do not directly relate to the humanities. The purpose of this paper is to show how the teachings of transcendental wisdom can influence the science of politics. The claim of this writing is that the teachings of transcendental wisdom constitute a series of philosophical models that, through the transposition of the teachings of transcendental wisdom and political science, make it possible for political science to benefit from tran-scendental wisdom. Examine the present claim through reference to the works of tran-scendental wisdom, and it becomes clear that the teachings of the transcendental wis-dom create philosophical patterns that, in turn, are used as the philosophical foundations of political science. The most important result of this article is the possibility of estab-lishing a science of politics based on the teachings of Transcendent Philosophy. The significance of this achievement for humanities can be used as a structural element in establishing a native paradigm in the humanities.

Gas export is one of the considerable choices in gas consumption to obtain foreign ex-change direct income by the government. Gas can be transformed and exported by various forms such as LNG and GTL. All forms of gar transformation and its export row gas with a convertible coefficient. Therefore, gas export means the total gas export through pipelines, LNG on the other forms of gas transition. Increasing concerns towards the environmental practices and human communal lives, on the other hand, due to be added the natural gas to the numbers of clean fuel applicants. Iran has the most natural gas resources in the Middle-East and universally, offers in the second stance following Russia. Therefore, it’s expected to provide the massive benefit of e4xploitation from the enormous resources of natural gas to present the appropriate opportunities for economic prosperity, industrial development and sustainable technological improvement in Iran. However, the slight share of gas in the for-eign exchange income indicates that Iran's policymaking is inefficient in regard. Analyzing and finding the main reasons for policymaking deficiency in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the gas export domain from 1996 to 2016, was a purpose by which the proposed research was formed. The results of the study indicate that regarding the technical and economic de-pendency of utilization from Iranian oil resources, on the one hand, and the critical signific-ance of oil for governing, and understanding policymaking purposes of Iran gas export is integrated into the political structure. Accordingly, the type of governing structural perspec-tive in the universal system has deprived gas export through LNG pipes and novel technol-ogies. This research is amongst the existing fundamental and theoretical research practices which aim to find originally an appropriate strategy via investigating policymaking of the Islamic Republic of Iran between 1996 to 2016, for extroverting the current issues. The data-collection method is library-based on which will be done by taking notes of the firsstance resources, and also some valid internet-based ones. The data analytical method will be a descriptive-analytical method.