غلامعلی سلیمانی

Objective: This study analyzes the role of the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) in representing and steering the nationwide protests of autumn 2022 in Iran from the perspective of psychological operations and hybrid warfare. It demonstrates how the organization sought to construct a fabricated social reality against the Islamic Republic of Iran through targeted narrative-building. Method: The research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), based on Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (1995) and Teun A. van Dijk’s cognitive–ideological framework (2006). Data were purposively collected from the organization’s official media outlets (Simaye Azadi, Iran Azadi, statements of the National Council of Resistance, and affiliated social media channels) from September to December 2022 and systematically analyzed. Results: By employing techniques such as emotional provocation, antagonistic binary construction (us vs. them), appropriation of the slogan "Woman, Life, Freedom," simulation of the scale of uprising, making hero of protesters, victimization, persistent labeling of the ruling system, and the discursive linkage of internal and external "Resistance," the MEK produced a fully ideological and regime-change–oriented narrative of the protests. In doing so, it played an active role in the project of hybrid and cognitive warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Mahsa Amini functioned as a "Discursive nodal point," while the Iranian woman was framed as the "Revolutionary Subject," constituting the central signifiers of this narrative. Conclusion: During the 2022 protests, the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization did not merely reflect reality; rather, it acted as an active agent in constructing a fabricated social reality and engineering public opinion. Its performance should be understood as part of a broader strategy of narrative warfare and psychological operations against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The present study aims to elucidate the relationship between religion and development and to examine the role of religion as either an obstacle or a catalyst for development by delving into the thought system of Ayatollah Khamenei. In this regard, the ideas and thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei regarding religion and development are analyzed to respond to the fundamental question of this research: ‘Is religion an obstacle to development or a driving force for it?’ He has presented his specific views on the role of religion in human development and progress. Ayatollah Khamenei's perspective is significant regarding his position as a contemporary religious thinker. This paper employs a mixed-methods approach to investigate the topic. In the first phase, a library research method was utilized to gather comprehensive and in-depth information. This involved systematically referring to existing sources, including books, articles, and statements by Ayatollah Khamenei, and collecting data. In the second one, a systemic analysis method was employed for a deeper interpretation and analysis of the research findings. The systemic analysis of political thinkers’ ideas is a novel method for examining and interpreting the thoughts of political thinkers, and it is designed in five key stages: Research design, data collection, data analysis, reporting findings, and research validation. The findings indicated that religion is not only an obstacle to development, but it also acts as a driving force for it. The religious teachings derived from Ayatollah Khamenei's thought system, which have their roots in his specific worldview, play a vital role in achieving development in both individual and social dimensions.

The Alawite community, who according to the Supreme Leader are "orphans of the family of Muhammad", believe in following the school of Ahl-ul-Bayt (a.s) is still rooted in them. However, throughout the history of Alawism, due to the influence of some religious movements, policies and targeted political-cultural planning, they have suffered from a mixed and multifaceted identity and nature. Therefore, the trustees of this field have a kind of religious and customary duty to celebrate some religious holidays and ceremonies with a detailed and comprehensive planning and focusing on the common aspects with the Alevi community, that is, a special belief in the Imams (a.s.). And finally, believing in the principles, pillars, and values of the school of Ahl- ul-Bayt (a.s), take fundamental steps in the direction of reviving the true religious identity of the Alevi community. (Question) The current research has tried to analyze and evaluate the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in restoring the true identity of the Turkish Alevi community based on the descriptive-analytical method and according to the "diffusion theory" from the words of ideological leaders. (Methodology) In general, Alevi leaders believe that today, with the blessing of the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the correct understanding of the Ahl- ul-Bayt (a.s) school, efforts are being made to introduce the correct principles and traditions to the Alevi society. In this regard, it is a great responsibility for Alevi leaders and sects to keep the Alevi community safe from threats by educating the Ahl-ul -Bayt (a.s.)

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Georgia underwent a revolutionary transformation in 1979 and 2003; However, there are fundamental differences between the two revolutions, including in ideology, the extent and scope of revolutionary developments, the nature of social forces and movements, the nature of the former and post-political regimes, and the direction of their new foreign policy. The country has been very influential in both domestic and foreign arenas. With this in mind, this article seeks to examine why the Iranian revolution became social in 1979 while the Georgian revolution in 2003 was limited to the political sphere. It seems that the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, in response to the quasi-modernism of the Pahlavi period and inspired by cultural and identity components, led to the formation of a discourse called self-return, which realized such a possibility without changing political, social, economic and Culture was not possible. But the color revolution in Georgia, under the influence of components of historical memory resulting from the suppression of nationalist and independence-seeking tendencies, saw a change in the ruling political structure as sufficient to achieve this goal. Data and information of this research have been collected through documentary (library) method and have been analyzed using comparative analysis method. In order to examine the above question and hypothesis, this comparative study first takes a brief look at the background of the formation of the two revolutions and then examines their possible differences and similarities.