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Efficiency is recognized as an indispensable factor in ensuring the stability and sustainability of political systems. Accordingly, governments derive legitimacy from their level of functional effectiveness. More precisely, as long as a political system maintains its image of efficiency, the likelihood of internal tensions and systemic collapse remains low. Conversely, dysfunction in the system’s performance leads to public alienation and deepens the divide between state and society. Given this, the functionality of political systems has been a central concern among scholars of political development. In this context, Gabriel Almond and Bingham Powell have proposed a distinctive theory regarding the functional capacities of political systems, identifying five core functions: extractive, regulative, distributive, symbolic, and responsive. Based on this framework, the present study seeks to answer the following question: To what extent was the Pahlavi regime able to fulfill the functional requirements of a political system in relation to its environment? The proposed hypothesis suggests that, due to the increasingly authoritarian nature of the Pahlavi regime, it failed to perform adequately across these five dimensions, ultimately leading to its collapse. The findings of the study indicate that the accumulation of ineffective policies played a decisive role in the regime’s downfall. This research has been conducted using a causal-analytical method and is based on data collected through library-based sources.
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Objective: The aim of this study is to explain the function of ethical and spiritual values across three critical stages of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, emergence, continuity, and advancement, based on the intellectual framework of the two leaders of the Revolution (Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei). Accordingly, the research seeks to answer the key question: ‘What role do these values play in guiding the Revolution’s transition from its formative phase toward civilizational development?’ Method: Adopting a qualitative approach and employing a descriptive–analytical method, this study analyzes the content of official documents, writings, and speeches of Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, aiming to provide a deep, internal, and religion-based understanding of the phenomenon. Results: The findings demonstrate that ethics and spirituality have functioned not merely as initial catalysts for revolutionary mobilization, but as foundational pillars for sustaining the political legitimacy of the Islamic system and as a robust barrier against secularization. Maintaining social equilibrium and enabling the Revolution to move beyond mere survival toward the realm of civilizational and cultural growth in the future is entirely contingent upon the continuity and institutionalization of this epistemic foundation. Conclusion: The final analysis indicates that the identity of the Islamic Revolution is defined through a triadic interconnection of ethics, spirituality, and politics. Consequently, the realization of any future-oriented strategy, the reproduction of soft power, and the achievement of the New Islamic Civilization are existentially dependent on the institutionalization of the same moral–spiritual foundation that constituted the Revolution’s point of departure. Without it, civilizational development would be unattainable.
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In the process of achieving a new Islamic civilization, one of the fundamental issues is clarifying the position and role of women in this civilizational movement. This article examines the role of women in shaping Islamic civilization from the perspective of Martyr Ayatollah Beheshti. The main research question is: ‘How is the role and status of women in realizing the construction of the new Islamic civilization explained from Beheshti's viewpoint?’ To answer this question, the present study employed a descriptive-analytical approach, drawing on library and documentary sources. The findings indicate that Beheshti, with a transformative perspective, considers women as key agents in building the Islamic civilization and emphasizes their intrinsic human dignity. According to him, the active participation of women in scientific, ethical, and social fields, alongside the preservation of Islamic identity, is essential to advancing Islamic civilization. He believes that redefining the status of women within the framework of authentic Islamic teachings is necessary and opposes any imitation of rigid traditions or Western feminist discourses. Beheshti considers the family as the central nucleus of civilization-building and emphasizes the importance of capable women in this context. Furthermore, he views the provision of educational and socio-political participation opportunities for women as essential for their effective presence in the path of realizing the new Islamic civilization. This article, by presenting a balanced Islamic model from Beheshti's perspective, proposes gender justice through the integration of Quranic principles with contemporary needs and, by critiquing both tradition and Western feminism, offers practical strategies for women's empowerment.
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In the era of global communications, the media plays a crucial role in explaining, interpreting, and shaping international events. The manner in which news about a phenomenon is presented and disseminated can significantly influence audience beliefs and perceptions. One of the most significant events in the Middle East in 2024 was the assassination of Martyr Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah on September 27, which received extensive media coverage. Given the importance of this event, the primary question addressed in this article is: How was the assassination of Martyr Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah represented in four media outlets—CNN Persian, BBC Persian, Al Arabiya Persian, and IRNA News Agency? The research method employed is descriptive-analytical, with data collected through library research. The findings indicate that all four media outlets utilized ideological discourse and strategies such as lexical selection, polarization, mental imagery, association, and suggestion to frame Nasrallah’s assassination. In the representations of CNN Persian, BBC Persian, and Al Arabiya Persian, Nasrallah is depicted as the "Other" in opposition to the "Self," with his actions portrayed as contributing to regional instability—particularly in Lebanon—and his assassination framed as ushering in a new era for the Middle East. The central theme across these three outlets is the legitimization of Israel’s actions. In contrast, IRNA positions Nasrallah as part of the "Self," characterizing his assassination as a result of Israel’s weakness and aggressive policies. This outlet frames the resistance movement as just and the opposing side as illegitimate, projecting a bright future for the resistance front.
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Problem Statement: The political arena of the Islamic Republic of Iran constitutes a site of confrontation among rival discourses that seek to establish their own hegemony through the semantic articulation of fundamental concepts such as the "People," "Guardianship," "Justice," and "Law." This competition, primarily between the Reformist and Principlist currents, not only shapes policymaking trajectories and the distribution of power, but also reflects a deeper semantic struggle over political legitimacy. Nevertheless, existing studies have largely been either mono-discursive or confined to specific historical junctures, leaving a noticeable gap in comprehensive analyses of this discursive confrontation across a continuous period. Methodology: This study adopts a qualitative approach and employs Critical Discourse Analysis grounded in the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The data consist of official statements, key speeches, press materials, and documentary texts produced by the two dominant political currents during the period 1997 AD/1376 SH–2013 AD/1392 SH. These materials were selected through purposive sampling and analyzed with a focus on central signifiers and their modes of articulation. Findings: The findings indicate that the Reformist discourse, centered on signifiers such as the "People," "Law," and "Political Development," and the Principlist discourse, emphasizing "Velayat-e Faqih," "Islamic Values," and "Justice," each sought to redefine the field of meaning in their own favor. The study demonstrates that discursive competition during this period was dynamic, unstable, and highly contingent upon political and social contextual factors. Conclusion: The analysis of rival discourses during this period reveals that Iran’s political arena is characterized by an ongoing semantic confrontation in which each discourse attempts to establish hegemony by reconfiguring central signifiers and strategically mobilizing political and social contexts. This semantic struggle reflects a structural tension embedded in the relationship between republicanism and Islamism within Iran’s political system.
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Objective: This study analyzes the role of the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) in representing and steering the nationwide protests of autumn 2022 in Iran from the perspective of psychological operations and hybrid warfare. It demonstrates how the organization sought to construct a fabricated social reality against the Islamic Republic of Iran through targeted narrative-building. Method: The research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), based on Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (1995) and Teun A. van Dijk’s cognitive–ideological framework (2006). Data were purposively collected from the organization’s official media outlets (Simaye Azadi, Iran Azadi, statements of the National Council of Resistance, and affiliated social media channels) from September to December 2022 and systematically analyzed. Results: By employing techniques such as emotional provocation, antagonistic binary construction (us vs. them), appropriation of the slogan "Woman, Life, Freedom," simulation of the scale of uprising, making hero of protesters, victimization, persistent labeling of the ruling system, and the discursive linkage of internal and external "Resistance," the MEK produced a fully ideological and regime-change–oriented narrative of the protests. In doing so, it played an active role in the project of hybrid and cognitive warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Mahsa Amini functioned as a "Discursive nodal point," while the Iranian woman was framed as the "Revolutionary Subject," constituting the central signifiers of this narrative. Conclusion: During the 2022 protests, the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization did not merely reflect reality; rather, it acted as an active agent in constructing a fabricated social reality and engineering public opinion. Its performance should be understood as part of a broader strategy of narrative warfare and psychological operations against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
