Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA)

SummaryThis article first examines Erdogan's intellectual views against the background of his Muslim Brotherhood and then analyses the reasons for the change in Turkish strategies in the Middle East. The Middle East has always played an important role in the regional security strategies of Turkey and the Erdogan government. In the last two decades, Erdogan's special perceptual psychological characteristics as well as his personality and ambitions have led to the strengthening of Turkey's position in the Middle East region. In 2021-2023, Turkey faces new economic, security and domestic challenges that need to be analyzed. In this article, we have analyzed this topic using secondary data in an explanatory-analytical way. The main question is: What influence does Erdogan's Muslim Brotherhood have on Turkey's strategic policy in the Middle East region?The results of the study show that Erdogan's personality cult and the Muslim Brotherhood's desire to lead the Islamic world have led to the promotion of Turkey's position in the Middle East region on an abstract level. On a concrete level, this has led to a chaotic domestic political and economic situation as well as national security crises that have forced him to adopt a new policy towards Middle Eastern countries, particularly Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Erdogan's new policy is in contrast to his policy following the developments in the Arab world. The evolution of Erdogan's views in the Middle East promises a return to the principle of "zero problems with neighbors".Keywords: Erdogan, Turkey, Middle East, Justice and Development Party, Muslim Brotherhood and foreign policy.

There is no doubt that with the normalization of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after a long period of tension, one of the most key results of this agreement, that is, its impact on the security relations between Iran and the Arab world, and at the center of it, Iran and the Persian Gulf, is of particular importance. will be. Yemen, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, during the past years, have always been the scene of indirect confrontation between these two regional powers. But the question is, what is the reason for these tensions? What effect has the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia had on the continuation of this cold war, and more importantly, what effect will this informal understanding have on the economic, political and security-military dimensions of Iran and other Persian Gulf countries? Some believe that the tensions between the two countries are caused by the endangerment of the oil-economic interests of these countries, some believe that this fear is caused by the possible increase of Iran's influence in the region, and in the opinion of others, the Arabs are worried about America's tendency towards Iran and perhaps attention less the United States to them. But perhaps these reactions can be explained in the form of defensive realism and according to "Taliaferro" one of its four main assumptions, i.e., the "security enigma", by means of which, every action of a government to increase its security, on the part of governments The competitor is considered as a hostile action. The following article tries to answer this question by assuming that the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, as a factor that caused the security puzzle in the relations between the Arab world and Iran, both before and after it was achieved.

In the wake of US withdrawal of Iran nuclear deal, or JCPOA, and re-imposition of sanctions, Iranian policymakers came down gradually in favor of cooperation with the East, chief among them China, culminating in the signing of 25-year Iran-China and the adoption of Iran’s Look East Strategy in 2021. Considering the changing flux in Iran’s diplomacy toward the regional cooperation and ever-increasing Sino-Iranian rapprochement, the main question of this contribution is about the effect of Sino-Iranian rapprochement on India, one of Iran’s biggest Asian trading partners. The main hypothesis states that Sino-Iranian rapprochement has led India to expand the scope of its connectivity projects through Iran, throwing spoke in the wheel of China’s Belt and Road Initiative in South and Central Asia. Constructivist Institutionalism (CI) developed by Hay was adopted as the theoretical framework. The methodology used for this research is based upon qualitative methodology and discourse analysis to focus on Iran and India relations in the context of Iran’s Look East strategy. Our findings indicate that Indian policy makers are following the Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam principle in their engagement with Iran, seeking to increase Iran-India ties in the face of Chinese competition with long-term strategic and security deal. As part of India’s civilizational role in the Central Asia and a response to growing Chinese footprints in the region, India has undertaken certain concrete measures such as institutionalization of India-Central Asia summit on a multi-lateral framework and inclusion of Iran’s Chabahar port in the International North-South Corridor. The research findings reveal that the corporate remains the weak link in the chain of the state-temple-corporate complex of the Hindu nationalist BJP in relation to Iran. India is also set to lock in cooperation with Iran through long-term strategic deal, institutionalizing security cooperation, and strengthening the private sector participation in Chabahar project.

The Rohingya people are the native inhabitants of Arakan (Rakhine) land in Myanmar, who have faced a series of crimes by the Myanmar army and government. Based on the norms and regulations of international and customary international law and the principles of international criminal law and considering the incidents that occurred against the religious minority group of Rohingya Muslims, the continuous violation of human rights and the occurrence of the crime of genocide by the Myanmar government are a matter of fact. There are numerous examples of deliberate actions, which prove the governmental steps to eliminate the Rohingya group, and deliberate measures, which cause the international responsibility of the Myanmar government. Iran has raised three specific positions regarding the Rohingya Muslim crisis.The major question of the research is to evaluate the occurrence or non-occurrence of violations of international criminal law, the crimes of genocide, and crimes against humanity by the Myanmar army and government against the Muslim minority in Rakhine state.The hypothesis emphasizes the definite occurrence of violations of humanitarian law and international criminal law, especially committing crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity. The purpose of the research is to examine one of the important cases of violation of Muslim rights in today's world, which has not been noticed by international legal societies. It tries to discuss briefly the Iranian positions on the Issue. The analytical-descriptive research method is based on official docs and undeniable facts, especially the documents issued by the International Criminal Court.

Iranian Studies, a facet of Orientalism, has long intrigued Western academia. This research explores the alignment of the Institute of Iranian Studies (IFI) of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW) with Edward Said's Postcolonial Theory, questioning if IFI's work mirrors Said's views on the colonial roots of Orientalism. The research posits that the IFI's undertakings neither manifest a colonial inclination nor align seamlessly with Said's theoretical framework. To substantiate this claim, four seminal publications from the IFI were subjected to a directed content analysis based on constructing a research categories matrix, influenced by Said's postcolonial paradigm (Orientalism). Within this matrix, columns demarcate four representational domains: Politics, Society, Culture, and Religion, while rows differentiate six dichotomous concepts, including Similarity-Difference; Equality-Inferiority; Internal Convergence-Divergence; External Convergence-Divergence; Progress-Backwardness; and Freedom-Despotism. The findings suggest that the IFI's selected works portray Iran in a predominantly positive light across all domains. Thus, it appears that the IFI's 21st-century scholarly contributions diverge from Edward Said's postcolonial critique of Orientalism, with distinct differences in approach and perspective. However, considering Said's critique primarily targets works of English-speaking Orientalists from colonial powers, the conclusions of this research don't necessarily counter his theory. It suggests caution in generalizing Said's framework to German-speaking Orientalists, or more specifically, to the outputs of the IFI.

Uncertainty, insecurity and complexity are some of the terms defining, now and in the future, the development process of the human species on planet Earth. There is plethora of evidence to substantiate this view. However, each epidemic has its own defining features, magnitude, and discernible impact. Societies are affected differently. It is shown that the events caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, called the "coronacrisis", directly affect the sphere of global economic (pandenomics) and political contradictions, including security issues. It is noted that the pandemic factor provoked an acceleration of confrontation between global players, strengthened the role of the institution of the nation state. In the context of deglobalization at the transregional level, under the slogans of "strategic vulnerability" and "economic sovereignty", nationalism and "protectionism 2.0" continue to grow, and multilateral international institutions continue to weaken. Against this background, the European Union seeks to achieve competitive advantages through the deoffshorization of production, industrial policy and the Green Deal. The article notes the deterioration of the state of affairs between Russia, China, the US and the EU. The article reveals further trends in the strategic decoupling of the United States and its European allies, draws attention to the incentives to implement the principle of "strategic autonomy" of Brussels.

American sanctions against Iran are one of the most extensive in terms of variety and extent . The most approved sanctions are unilateral against a country. While unilateral economic sanctions in an extraterritorial manner are considered a violation of the sovereignty of other countries in this regard.This research is done through analytical-descriptive methodGiri has studied the legal analysis of Iran's foreign investment embargo by the United States of America based on reliable research documents and international law jurisprudence. The findings of the research show that the restrictions caused by the unilateral US sanctions against Iran and the increase in investment costs can be considered as a serious obstacle to foreign investment in Iran. However, in 1991, the United Nations General Assembly strongly urged governments to end unilateral pressures. Also in the another one in 1996 called for the removal of such practices under the title "Elimination of economic pressure measures as a means of political and economic coercion".The American side in sanctioning Iran violates the principle of peaceful coexistence among governments, which requires respect for the political principles of international law, i.e. the legal equality of governments, non-interference, cooperation and friendship, respect for the independence and territorial integrity of governments among the members of the international community. This type of actions lacks legal and international validity due to the lack of legitimacy.

Considering that Iran has both oil and seawater, which is the route of transportation of oil tankers, the legal system of Iran has been discussed in this paper. Also, regulations related to prevention and dealing with pollution caused by oil tankers, regulations on how to compensate for damages caused by oil pollution, filing lawsuits, and how to receive compensation due to damages are examined with comparison to American laws. Regarding Iran's laws, it can be said that this country has not passed advanced regulations domestically and independently. However, due to the international aspect of these incidents, conventions have been formulated by international organizations, and by joining them, Iran has aligned itself with the international community in this field. However, since most of its states are surrounded by the sea and a lot of oil is transported through its ports, the United States enacted legislation in this field before the international community, and the history of its legislation dates back to 1924. With its strong domestic laws, the United States has not acceded to international conventions and still considers its national laws to govern these matters. Hence, the laws of this country and its performance be set as a model for other countries that are struggling with these issues.

National identity is the highest level of collective identity in a society and a sense of adherence, attachment, and commitment to the national community, which is considered a part of collective identity. Since national identity plays a crucial role in national unity and political legitimacy, it is crucial to address this issue. As a prominent resistance figure and symbol of Iranian Islamic identity and counterterrorism, Qassem Soleimani founded a new school of national solidarity, promoted Shiite identity, mobilized resources, and became the basis for reproducing national identity in Iran. Therefore, the purpose of the current research was to explain the role of Qassem Soleimani's performance in the reproduction of the national identity of the Islamic Republic and to answer the question of what role Qassem Soleimani's performance had in the reproduction of the national identity in political, religious and territorial dimensions. The current research method was fundamental regarding the purpose and utilized the descriptive-analytical data collection approach. The results of the present study indicated that Qassem Soleimani, by creating a new school of thought, hegemonizing the discourse of resistance and Shiite religion, activating the protest of Muslims, and creating a cultural heartland among Shiites as a campaign strategy, caused the reproduction of national identity in the Islamic Republic.

Sino-US Relations in the Persian Gulf during Obama’s AdministrationAbstract:The Persian Gulf is one of the most important regions of the world that has been vital for the great powers since long time ago, not only for its energy resources but also its strategic location. After the British withdrawal from the region in 1971, the United States filled the vacuum and tried to preserve the status quo during the cold war. Since 1980s China was also attracted by the huge energy resources and the vast market of the region. But in the 21st century and the rise of China as the second largest economy of the world, the importance of the Persian Gulf enhanced in China’s view to manage its energy needs and benefit from its lucrative market and possible bilateral capital investment. This article intends to examine the relationships between China and the United States of America during the Obama’s administration. By using the “Power Cycle Theory” it is concluded that the United States has accepted the Chinese position as the rising power in the Persian Gulf region; and that their relationships were based on collaboration and competition, not confrontation or hostility; which seems to continue in the foreseeable future as well. Key Words: The Persian Gulf, China, The United States, Collaboration, Competition, Confrontation, Hostility.

The 21st century is marked by the proliferation of hybrid warfare among actors involved in asymmetric conflicts, utilizing diverse forms of warfare that are suited to the scenario and context. Therefore, modern conflicts differ from classical conflicts in terms of their complexity, diversity, form, nature, and dynamics. This study examines the susceptibility of actors in hybrid warfare. Thus, the research question is “What requirements does a hybrid war impose on international actors, and how should Iran be explained as a case study?” The data were collected through desk studies and analyzed based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The study findings showed that, given the assumption of changes in the nature of wars and the emergence of hybrid wars as a result of the combined nature of threats in the complex international system, hybrid war is the most difficult challenge for actors, particularly dissatisfied ones, in confrontation with the international system's power poles, particularly the hegemon. This includes a variety of conventional and unconventional wars that are fought at anytime, anywhere, and with varying degrees of intensity by military or civilians. Iran is under pressure from rivals engaged in this type of conflict to give up its demands and needs on the regional and international levels.

With the victory of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, revolutionary socio-political movements emerged throughout the region that facilitated the formation of resistance groups against imperialism. The purpose of this research is to understand the process of the formation and evolution of resistance groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s regional policy. The main question of the study is “what is the place of resistance groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s regional political strategy?”. The hypothesis of the study is: “the Islamic Republic of Iran plays a stabilizing role in the region through collaboration with resistance groups against imperialism and intervention, a reality that serves the national interests of the region’s Islamic countries”. Based on the findings of the study, sponsoring the regional resistance groups provides stability and fosters the resistance discourse against US and Israel intervention, leading to the stabilizing of security for both Iran and other countries of the region. The method of the study is descriptive-analytical and the theoretical framework is neo-classical realism.