The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the complicated crises that traces back to nearly a century ago. It caused severe challenges and brought about disastrous consequences both for the Middle East region and the conflicting parties. Numerous attempts have taken place so far by different states, organizations and individuals to establish a lasting and comprehensive peace in this conflict, but given the intransigence positions of the conflicting parties, the attempts were futile and still there is no light at the end of this tunnel. The limitations of the realistic viewpoint that dominates the conflict and considers its signs rather than its root causes, made us tackle the issue through a proper, more appropriate approach.. To us, critical studies, particularly the emancipation approach which goes beyond the realistic limitations, deliberates the contemporary and historical conditions together with its nature and tries to remove situations leading to the conflict is a more viable strategy to achieve a lasting peace.
The research on Russian foreign policy in recent decades, particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has always been a topic of analytical interest to scholars of foreign policy and international relations. As the legacy of the former Soviet Union, the Russian Federation still retains many of its hardware components in various forms. However, since 2000, Putin with his intellectual spectrum, backed by the factors of his power, the restoration of Russian credibility at regional and global levels, as well as the process of Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism was included in the foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, the questions of the research are, how has Russia behaved in its foreign policy in the post-2000 period whilst pursuing national goals and interests, and what are the hallmarks of its behavioral model? What effect has the change in Russia's foreign policy had on the process of increasing regional cooperation with Iran? The Increasing Iran-Russia cooperation to the military and security levels is defined in the context of Russia's macro-foreign policy strategy against US unilateralism and the use of Iran's capacity to manage regional developments. This study shows that Iran is an effective and influential regional partner for Russia in thisThe research on Russian foreign policy in recent decades, particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has always been a topic of analytical interest to scholars of foreign policy and international relations. As the legacy of the former Soviet Union, the Russian Federation still retains many of its hardware components in various forms. However, since 2000, Putin with his intellectual spectrum, backed by the factors of his power, the restoration of Russian credibility at regional and global levels, as well as the process of Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism was included in the foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, the questions of the research are, how has Russia behaved in its foreign policy in the post-2000 period whilst pursuing national goals and interests, and what are the hallmarks of its behavioral model? What effect has the change in Russia's foreign policy had on the process of increasing regioimportant period. The research method is library-documentary. Based on the theory of neoclassical realism as a theory for explaining foreign policy, internal intellectual and cultural factors and variables of Russian politics, as well as the most important regional and transnational variables affecting the process and behavior of Russian foreign policy has been discussed.nal cooperation with Iran? The Increasing Iran-Russia cooperation to the military and security levels is defined in the context of Russia's macro-foreign policy strategy against US unilateralism and the use of Iran's capacity to manage regional developments. This study shows that Iran is an effective and influential regional partner for Russia in this important period. The research method is library-documentary. Based on the theory of neoclassical realism as a theory for explaining foreign policy, internal intellectual and cultural factors and variables of Russian politics, as well as the most important regional and transnational variables affecting the process and behavior of Russian foreign policy has been discussed.
Since the expansion of ISIS in the summer of 2014, Israeli leaders have increasingly proclaimed the Kurds’ right to an independent state in Iraqi Kurdistan. So an important question is raised. What is Israel`s main objective towards to Kurds and their efforts for independence? Based on the «peripheral strategy», what could be place of the Kurds in Israel’s strategy in the Near and Middle East? If does Israel consider the Kurdish issue as vital component of its priorities in the foreign policy or see it just as a temporary benefit in its regional security considerations? Relying on the various comments and opinions, our study uses the contextual analysis for finding the facts and presenting the impartial final analysis. Our analysis is shaped and developed by the facts reported and discussed by the experts as well as by real strategic considerations of the players. I try to shape my argument based on two pivotal considerations, first ethnical debate and second Tel Aviv`s long term strategy in the region. Based on both of them, the Kurd issue will be a marginal not main concern for Israel. Tel Aviv seeks to abuse the Kurdish independence emotions, and it is and will be a half way comrade for Kurdish people, nothing more
A notable number of international relations analysts believe that Iranian foreign policy is based merely on ideological considerations. The present study aims to reject this claim by assessing the policy of neutrality Iran embraced during the Kuwait Occupation Crisis via a descriptive-analytical approach. This article seeks to find an answer to the question of how and why did Iran take a neutral stance in the mentioned crisis? According to the results, the subtle combination of ideological and rational behaviors of the foreign policy decision-makers led to maintaining the territorial integrity of the country and also the re-gaining of economic and military capabilities after the IranIraq war. Findings also show that while some cognitive factors might have affected the secondary goals in the first stage, it never put the national security of the country at risk. Furthermore, after filtering the information, the ultimate decision could lead to maximal gain and minimal loss for Iran which was the key to Iran’s regional influence in the past 40 years
The Arab nations of the Middle East have recently become the center of religious and ethnic aggression. This paper aims to answers to the following question: what efficient approach can be used to reduce of the religious violence in Middle East by political sociological approach? This paper indicates that the formation of a regional peaceful social movement can be effective in reducing religious tensions and violence in the Middle East if it finds associated with tolerant and committed participation and activism of civil-intellectual elites and nongovernmental groups, beyond religious divisions and fanaticism. The government’s continuous effort for reduction of poverty and good distributive policies for the masses is also of great importance in this regard Furthermore, this must be followed by the presentation of practical strategies for peace and the integration of the masses. The authors believe that regional social movement along with the integration of public opinion and the production of attitudinal and intellectual transformation in the masses can deprive violent Takfiri groups, such as ISIS, from public support. This can lead to a social bottom-up and general pressure and coercion for peace and, ultimately, necessitate the regional and trans-regional powers to establish peace, but it is a time-consuming process.
For many years, the influence of regional and trans-regional actors in the Middle East and their struggles to dominate the region has become one of the most important debates among international relations scholars. China is one of these emerging powers that has always been trying to compete with the United States by entering and dominating this strategic region. Accordingly, China has launched the Belt and Road Initiative as a step towards achieving this goal. Chinese experts repeatedly emphasized on the importance of the development of connecting infrastructures in the Middle East and their role in integrating the Middle East countries. Many of them believed that developing these infrastructures can deepen integration in this region. What is missing in many analyses in different think tanks, even in the Belt and Road news research centers, is the existence of many obstacles for the regional integration. Therefore, the basic aim of the study is to examine the impact of these infrastructures on the development of integration in the Middle East while considering various obstacles. In this regard, this piece of research work seeks to address this important question as to what are the main obstacles for the realization of Belt Road Initiative in the development of integration in Middle East? The hypothesis to answer the question is that conflicting cultural, ethnic and political values, religious and ethnic divisions, competition of member states, dominance of security discourse and rivalries of trans-regional powers, security dependence of member countries on trans-regional powers and most importantly the lack of complementary economies are among the most important obstacles to the realization of this economic project.
