Socio-political aspect is one of the dimensions of human life. An important issue is the view of Islam towards the formation of government at the age of occultation. Concerning the certain traditions, any kind of uprising and revolution before the emergence of Hazrat Qaem (a.j.) will be unlawful and add, "Any flag which raised before the emergence of the Imam of the Age (a.j.), its leader will be Taqut." The present study aimed at criticizing the narrative bases of the revolution opponents and the formation of government from the viewpoints of documents and contexts. Based on the results, only one, and with tolerance, two traditions ban the uprising and describe the rebels as Taqut, legends from Malek Jahani, and Abi basir. Both narratives have some flaws from the viewpoint of documents and rejected contextually. They are not in agreement with the Quran, necessities of religion, the Shia idea of fighting against oppression, and the practical life of the religious leaders. These traditions, in the event of the correctness of their reference to infallible Imams (a.s.), provide for uprisings whose leaders instead of Sovereignty of Allah and Ahl al- Bayt [The household of the Prophet (P.B.U.H)] introduce themselves as the promised Mahdi (a.j.).
In the article written based on the leader discourse, the anti-arrogance conversation of the leader investigates in three pivots of arrogance, arrogance, and anti-arrogance, and its programs are clarified. This study is to search the vocabularies related to overconfidence in the sayings of the leader of the revolution. The results derived from the article shows that the anti-arrogance discourse in his sayings based on clarifying the grounds of arrogance, presenting the features of the arrogant elements and their felonies, countering the presumption, inviting people to support the Islamic movement, strengthening the spirituality, delineating the goals, showing resistance and preventing disunity. This article proves documentarily and methodically the assumption that the leader of the revolution is against arrogance. Running research on the keywords of the anti-arrogance discourse such as arrogance, arrogance, and anti-arrogance in the sayings of the leader of the revolution shows recognizing the situations and his realistic view, which leads to active and aware resistance against the enemy.
In this historical analysis of US foreign policy toward Iran during the presidency of George W. Bush, the author aims to decipher the overarching policy approach guiding United States' Iran policy in the context of the main issues arising during this time period. George W. Bush started his presidency with the legacy of past presidents, viewing Iran as a threat to US interests and drawing from the policy tool box that had been developed during the previous four administrations. In this paper, the implementation of these different policy approaches will be discussed in the context of the events of September 11, the Afghanistan and the Iraq wars, and the nuclear issue. Engagement, containment, and covert and overt means of destabilizing the Islamic Republic of Iran will be discussed. The roots of many of the current issues in U.S. -Iran relations as well as the tactics used to tackle them could be traced to the period under study. In the years after the presidency of George W. Bush and despite the different tactics used, this mentality has led presidents as diverse as Obama and Trump to suffer from the same strategic mistake: an instrumental approach to Iran. The failure of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action to withstand the transfer of power in the United States shows how the American practice of the weaponization of all available means to deal with Iran, including diplomacy and economic tools, is jeopardizing any real hope for a different direction in US-Iran relations.
Every society has oriented itself towards a governing method concerning the socio-cultural conditions and with the inclusion of different historical-ideological periods and has accepted it as its governmental plan. Iranian society is not an exception to this general rule. Throughout different historical stages, such as the government of Safavid, the Constitution Movement, and despotic government periods, religious democracy sovereignty has emerged as the dominant model. This method of governance is based on ideological-religious values and bases and is the place of fusion of religion and politics. As such, in both theory and practice, it has to fulfill democratic and religious values. The electoral system is the backbone of any democratic system, and concerning the three dimensions of ethics, decrees and religious beliefs aimed to cultivate the aspects of ethics and election as two detrimental poles in both sizes of the religious democratic system. To this aim, first, will elaborate on the nature and necessity of electoral ethic and review the essential components of electoral ethic in Imam's thought, through reference to his statements. These standards will be considered from the perspective of verses and traditions. Finally, we will conclude and will respond to the questions, which have posted in this article.
Shia, as one of the main components of Islamic society, has always had a revolutionary attitude towards other religions throughout history. The Shi'ite school has been the promoter of movements that have stood up to oppression, and this political thought has shaped Shia political and social movements throughout history. Historically, the turning point of the Shia revolution and the formation of Shia protest movements is the Ashura incident in the year 61 AH. And the land of Karbala as the Shias holy shrine of and the place of Imam Hussein martyrdom (a.s.) has always, at all times and places, conveyed the ideological burden of the Ashura event to Shia communities. Thus, the formation and activity of Shia movements can be traced well after the Karbala event and examined in terms of the effects that Karbala has had on their structure and continuity in different categories. The present study aimed to investigate the role of Karbala in the formation and continuation of Shia movements in the context of political geography based on Gatman's theory of iconography. To this aim, Descriptive-analytical methods and library and document studies are used. Based on the results, this influence has not always been the same at different times, and in each period, it has manifested itself in different ways depending on the temporal and spatial requirements and the degree of Shia community readiness. That can investigate the type and extent of this effect on dual format in the Imamiyyah and the Zaydiyyah method. So, the categorization of Shi'ite movements is as following: Imam Hussein's revenge and revenge revolts, Zaydiyya uprisings, movements that led to the formation of the government, and contemporary Shi'ite movements.
The theory of diffusion is one of the standard methods on the explanation of the quality of dissemination of innovations, expansion of ideas and thoughts in the area of culture. The present research is an attempt to respond to this question: Is it possible to disseminate the Islamic Revolution values and ideals through the window of Abrahamic Hajj into the world of Islam? If yes, how will be the rate and form of this dissemination? The researcher could achieve the following results in a precise and academic method. In this study, Hajj has been noticed as the route, channel and an instrument to disseminate the Islamic Revolution values, so the route of dissemination is the main topic of the study and other cases have been noticed due to their close relationships with the route of dissemination. Though this route is facing serious practical obstacles, there are potentials for the diffusion of Islamic Revolution values which are the very capacities of Hajj in different dimensions and levels, the most important of which include: epistemological capacities, potential information capacities, capacities to deepen the collective integrity of the Muslims, political, economic as well as cultural capacities. Of course in the route of dissemination, there are basic obstacles and challenges including epistemological, political, economic, cultural, and religious obstacles, as well as psychological war.