Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and establishment of new government within the framework of political Islam in the region, in order to continue and reinforce this government model, the Islamic -Iranian Model of Progress was put in the blueprint with regard to the indigenous standards as the most important pre-occupation. After the third decade of the Revolution which has been termed as the Decade of Progress and Justice, this component has become more essential. Using the descriptive-analytic method and library-documental studies, this paper tries to respond to the following questions: ‘What are the standards and pillars of the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress?’ and ‘What is the role of moderation in the cultural policy in developing and shaping the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress?’ The findings of the research show that there have been two approaches in the domain of culture by the officials of cultural affairs at macro level in recent years. While the one approach believes in hard treatment, authoritarianism, and controlling in the area of culture, the other one oppositely maintains in cultural freedom. The feedback and performance of the related officials in the domain of culture has had extremes which has made the cultural moderation as a missing circle. Thus, taking stand based on moderation as a religious-rational attitude in cultural, economic, political policy can be effective in a further fulfillment of the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress.
The holy Quran has put “calling people to do good deeds” [or calling people to an act of benevolence] besides and prior to “commanding rightand forbidding wrong”, [or commanding beneficence and forbidding maleficence]. However in many interpretive and jurisprudential books, no sufficient effort has been made to elaborate the difference features between these two and their results, whose manifestation is observed in indifference attitude of legislative system to determine the limits, terms and qualities of ‘ call people to do good deeds”, despite the emphasize of the Eight Principle of the Constitution. Exploring the mentioned sources, this paper is an attempt to deal with the concept, dimensions and examples of “call people to do good deeds” such as propagation, teaching and advice which both have originally a basic role in cultural policy-making and institutionalization in the country and also due to paving ground for the fulfillment of “commanding rightand forbidding wrong” is of great significance. Then, it will clarify the distinctive points between these two hypotheses, so that the way to determine the base and policy will be cemented for the institutions with common functions (such as IRIB and supervising institutions such as Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution) or specific of one of these two ( such as Law Enforcement and Assembly of Experts). Moreover, it will help with the preparation of grounds for the next researches on basic and performance pathological study of these institutions and policy-making on this issue as well.
Iran’s Revolution has been to date analyzed with a variety of theories, but the gap in the presentation of a native theory for its analysis has been always felt. Given the significance of this subject, the present paper attempts to shed some light on the capacities and position of transcendent philosophy in the analysis of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. In doing so, an attempt was made to theoretically assess the capacity of transcendent philosophy and its impact on the Islamic Revolution, as well as reviewing the literature and background of the subject matter and certain cultural theories regarding the Islamic Revolution of Iran and their deficiencies in the elucidation of this phenomenon. As with existentialism, the gradation of existence, the substantial motion, as well as the special look of this school at human being and society, the theoretical dimensions of the transcendent philosophy has given rise to a critical perspective on the status quo. Additionally, a comprehensive perspective on philosophical, jurisprudential, mystical, sociological, etc. dimensions has been stressed, which paves the way for the analysis of the Islamic Revolution.
Feminism, as a social uprising, today is being considered by many thinkers and researchers. Proponents of this tendency believe that women are discriminated because of their sex and state they have certain needs that are not fulfilled in the society by governmental administrations. Therefore, fundamental changes must be made in the social, economic and political system to achieve females’ basic rights and needs. Women's rights are among the issues to be addressed in various aspects and dimensions. In Iran, the women's movement has roughly coincided with the Constitutional Movement (1905-11) and continued throughout the Pahlavi regime (1925-79) and thereafter the Islamic Revolution (1979- present) in various forms. Applying a comparative and descriptive-analytical method, the present research aims to study the status of political-social rights of women in Iran before and after the 1979 Revolution, regarding the Iranian Constitution. Findings show that after the Islamic Revolution, the Constitution obliged the government to respect the rights of women in all aspects, including their civil participation, and then ensure and create favorable conditions for the development of women's personality and the revival of her material and spiritual rights. According to the Iranian Constitution, woman as an esteemed human being has the right to enter and control her own destiny. In other words, the guarantee of Iranian females' rights is the Constitution itself, which has initially focused on their political and social rights. Hence, it is proved that the situation of women has improved at least in the area of decision-making, and consequently their general status has grown since the Iranian Islamic Revolution.
The transmission of values in a country like Iran, which has a society and political system based on religion, has a twofold importance. Cinema in our country can be improved by localizing it - as one of the most basic and most impressive media of the modern world- based on the Islamic Revolution values and principles. It is evident that the continuous monitoring and evaluation of products in this area becomes more serious. The present study is an attempt to analyze the content of one of the cinematic products and evaluate different dimensions of religiosity used in it. By making use of the five dimension model of religiosity of Glock and Stark (doctrinal, ritual, experiential, cognitive, and the one related to outcome) and by implementing the quantitative content analysis, the thrust of this research is to evaluate the dimensions and categories of religiosity used in the "The Gold and the Copper" movie through a descriptive-analytic approach. The main question of the article is: What dimensions of religiosity lie in this film and how have they been reflected in it? The results illustrate that the ritual and doctrinal dimensions (45/7% and 29/5% respectively) have the highest degree of contribution of the religious categories used in the film, while the cognitive dimension has the lowest degree (7%).
This paper seeks to examine the effect of the revolutions of 2011-2012 in the Arabic countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) on Israeli regime's ontological security and its strategy of closure and deviation in the regional level. In other word, the paper tries to find the challenges the ontological security and identity of Israel is facing with after the occurrence of the awakening. This article argues that Israeli ontological security came across a kind of insecurity due to the appearance of democratic states in revolutionary countries, which resulted in forming a new identity against its identity. On this basis, review and analysis of the Israeli regime security is an important issue. Thus we are going to discuss security- identity challenges of Israel in the region. To do this, first the theory of ontological security will be explained as the theoretical framework; then the nature of the upheavals of the region will be expressed; and finally, Israeli ontological insecurity and its responses to it will be examined.