بررسی پیامدهای سیاست های توزیعی و بازتوزیعی جمهوری اسلامی ایران بر اساس مدل آلموند- پاول و رابرت مرتن (مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
درجه علمی: نشریه علمی (وزارت علوم)
آرشیو
چکیده
توزیع و بازتوزیع به عنوان یکی از کارویژه های نظام سیاسی که با هدف رفع نابرابری و کاهش شکاف های اقتصادی - اجتماعی انجام می شود در نگرش سیستمی دارای اهمیت ویژه ای است چراکه موفقیت یا عدم موفقیت می تواند در افزایش یا کاهش حمایت جامعه از نظام سیاسی موثر باشد. بعد از انقلاب، جمهوری اسلامی سعی کرد با هدف تحقق عدالت با تدوین و اجرای سیاست های توزیعی و بازتوزیعی، میزان شکاف طبقاتی و نابرابری را در سطوح مختلف جامعه کاهش دهد. در این مقاله از روش تحلیلی توصیفی با رویکرد اسنادی و چهارچوب نظری ترکیبی از آرای آلموند و پاول و مرتن بهره گرفته می شود. پرسش مقاله این است که سیاست های توزیعی و بازتوزیعی بعد از انقلاب تا چه اندازه موفق بوده و چه تاثیری بر کنش سیاسی افراد داشته است؟ یافته ها نشان می دهد با وجود تدوین و اجرای سیاست ها در حوزه های مختلف، هم بر اساس آمار و هم ادراک افراد از وضعیت اقتصادی، نتایج مطلوبی در این حوزه بدست نیامده است و این ناکارآمدی به بی تفاوتی سیاسی و کاهش میزان تمایل افراد به مشارکت سیاسی در ابعاد مختلف منجر شده است.The Consequences of Distribution and Redistribution Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran: An Analysis Based on the Models of Almond–Powell and Robert Merton
Introduction Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action. Literature Review Mehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard. Materials and Methods The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory. Conclusion Both statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.
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