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چکیده

در دوره قاجاریه، ساختار کلی شهر ایرانی در صورت گذشته خود باقی ماند. ساختاری که با محورهای اصلی مابین دروازه ها و مرکز شهر و عناصر و فضاهای شهری پیرامون آنها تعریف می شد، صورتی برجای مانده از مکتب اصفهان در شهرسازی. اما مشخصه دوران قاجاریان، رشد نفوذ مذهب شیعه بود که پیدایش ساختار دیگری را در شهر ایرانی این دوره سبب شد؛ ساختاری متشکل از مکان ها (به ویژه تکیه ها) و مسیرهای میان آنها که مکان برگزاریِ مهم ترین مراسم اجتماعی دوره، عزاداری ماه محرم، بود. ساختاری که براساس رفتار مذهبی ساکنان، نوع استفاده از فضا و نقش آن در زندگی اجتماعی و معنای فضاها شکل گرفته بود و مردم، با وجود همه تغییرات به وجود آمده در شهرهای ایرانی  طی دوره معاصر، هنوز آن را می شناسند. ساختاری که با برقراری پیوند میان محلات نقشی مهم در ابراز هویت اجتماعی آنها داشت. در این مقاله با بررسی و تحلیل مطالعات محققان بر روی شهرهای مختلف ایران و بررسی اسناد درجه اول دوره قاجاریه، تلاش می شود تا وجود چنین ساختاری در شهر ایرانی نشان داده شده و روشن شود که چگونه چنین ساختاری شکل گرفته و به چه ترتیب مکان ها و مسیرهای میان آنها برای مردم معنادار شده است.

Recognition of Secondary Structure of Iranian Cities in Qajar Period

Basic structure of Iranian cities preserved its past form in Qajar Period. It constituted of main axis which led from gates to the center of the city and city elements and spaces (mosque, madraseh, Bazaar, caravanserai, square, Bazarcheh, etc.) gathered along them. It was a form remaining from Safavid period which its extensions were the continuation of the former one. The characteristic of Qajar period was the growth in influence of Shiite religion. Increase in religious emotions gave form to a structure in Iranian cities which comprised of places (especially Takyah, Husayniyyah) and paths linking them with each other. These were the places for the most important social event of this time; Muharram mourning. In Muharram and Safar (The months of mourning in Shiite religion) people gathered in these places and mourned. Taazieh was a dramatic theatre performed inTakyah and at first was specific to these rituals. People had also mourning processions in the alleys which led from one residential quarter to another one and during it residents of a quarter went to see other quarters and join their mourning in a cyclic form. Everyone participated in this event: residents of the quarters endowed their houses for the rituals of Muharram; they gave meal to mourners during the ceremony; allocated a place in their houses which had a frontage to alley for burning candles; prepared some rooms in their houses or their courtyards for Tazieh performance and other forms of mourning; and thus the city actively joined the whole process of rituals. The places and paths where Muharram rituals were performed formed a structure which is being recognized by city inhabitants even now; regardless of all of the transformations in the urban form and life during 20th century. Different studies by scholars on cities like Ardebil, Dezful, Aran, Naein, Lahidjan, Gorgan, Sabzevar proves this. Thus the structure was formed on the basis of: religious behavior of inhabitants; the way they used spaces for rituals; the meanings they attributed to these spaces and places; and the roles that these spaces had in their social and urban life. This structure was usually distinct from symbolic or main structure of the city. The places and paths between them linked residential quarters (mahalleh) with each other and had an important role in their social identity and their identification. In this paper, I’ll try to show the existence of this structure in Iranian cities, by reviewing and analyzing different studies on Iranian cities and comparing the findings with first  hand documents of Qajar period. I’ll try to explain how this structure was formed and its places and paths got meaning for people. Revealing the differences between these secondary structures in Iranian cities can further the knowledge about the social structure of Iranian cities in Qajar period; while showing their similarities can help the urban designers and planners to deepen their knowledge of historic cities, its structures and inhabitants’ images of them. These findings can help in decision making for intervention in historic cities.

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