Islamic Revolution of Iran

Feminism, as a social uprising, today is being considered by many thinkers and researchers. Proponents of this tendency believe that women are discriminated because of their sex and state they have certain needs that are not fulfilled in the society by governmental administrations. Therefore, fundamental changes must be made in the social, economic and political system to achieve females’ basic rights and needs. Women's rights are among the issues to be addressed in various aspects and dimensions. In Iran, the women's movement has roughly coincided with the Constitutional Movement (1905-11) and continued throughout the Pahlavi regime (1925-79) and thereafter the Islamic Revolution (1979- present) in various forms. Applying a comparative and descriptive-analytical method, the present research aims to study the status of political-social rights of women in Iran before and after the 1979 Revolution, regarding the Iranian Constitution. Findings show that after the Islamic Revolution, the Constitution obliged the government to respect the rights of women in all aspects, including their civil participation, and then ensure and create favorable conditions for the development of women's personality and the revival of her material and spiritual rights. According to the Iranian Constitution, woman as an esteemed human being has the right to enter and control her own destiny. In other words, the guarantee of Iranian females' rights is the Constitution itself, which has initially focused on their political and social rights. Hence, it is proved that the situation of women has improved at least in the area of ​​decision-making, and consequently their general status has grown since the Iranian Islamic Revolution.

The law legitimate power. Over the 20th century, constitutions have been an essential part of the dynamic. ‘How can be the Iranian constitution assessed over the long term?’ ‘How do people evaluate their legitimacy?’ ‘Does the issue matter at all for theoreticians at the leading edge of science?’ Iranian revolutionary constitutionalism has an essential role in Bruce Arnold Ackerman's thesis of contemporary legitimacy. Avoiding the pitfalls of Weber's thesis, which accounts for legality to tradition, charisma, and bureaucratic rationality, Ackerman holds that modern notions over the legitimacy based on constitutions. This paper tends to analyze the position of the Iranian revolutionary structure in the mentioned theory. The first scenario in Ackerman's trichotomy is "Revolutionary Constitutionalism," whereas "the insider-establishment providing modest outsiders with strategic concessions" constitutes the second, followed by a third "elite construction constitutionalism." As an example of the first scenario, he mentions the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as France, Italy, India, and South Africa. While Mao's and Stalin's periods regarded as two negative examples of the thesis, Iranian revolutionary constitutionalism represents positive revolutionary constitutionalism and democratic government.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran is known as one of the superb phenomena of the twentieth century, the essential political-religious revolution globally, which has left various effects at the national and international levels. Shia ideology is a crucial element in the etymology of this revolution. One of the basic principles of this ideology is political jurisprudence that has a two-way relationship with the Islamic Revolution. With a qualitative method and documentary study, the present study aimed to analyze the interaction between Shia political jurisprudence and the Islamic Revolution. To this aim, we reviewed documents and library resources and extracted the required data in research files. The results indicated that, on the one hand, Imam Khomeini, as the founder of the Islamic Revolution, by using Shia political jurisprudence, has founded and promoted this revolution. On the other hand, the Islamic Revolution has significantly impacted the development and promotion of Shia political jurisprudence by creating innovative spaces and arenas. This interrelationship is also associated with obstacles, challenges, and harms that the present article has partly addressed.

The anti-American inclination of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy-making is well established, and the bitter aspects of the two nation’s history well known. However, to assert a simple causal relationship between history and foreign-policy structure portrays the Islamic Republic’s anti-Americanism as inevitable, eternal and unrelated to actors’ agency. This article disputes this simple structural understanding by drawing on Greener’s method of applying path-dependency theory to political science. We first identify the ideas and structure of revolutionary Iran, benefiting in particular from the complementary insights of postcolonial theory. Following, we examine US policy choices in the Islamic Republic’s formative period of 1978–79—specifically those related to human rights, the shah and direct US intervention—and how these were perceived and acted upon in Tehran. Our findings indicate that American actions and Iranian decisions both influenced the establishment of a path-dependent process of perception and perpetration that continues until today. Successive Iranian governments have asserted that America ignores Iranian’s human rights, supports their enemies, and pursues direct intervention, while successive US government actions, motivated by Iranian counter-actions, have generated ample evidence to validate such claims. This can explain how a spiral of distrust emerged between the two nations.

Neglecting and ignorance of citizenship rights by the socio-political system is one of the soft war manifestations against the Islamic Revolution of Iran in recent decades. Accordingly, to defend and introduce the original Islamic thought in the field of citizenship rights, the present study aimed to explain the position of this concept and its derived components by examining the principles and perspectives related to citizenship rights in the Islamic Revolution foundations. To this aim, used library and descriptive method and discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe using Quranic verses and critical legal documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Then, the symbols of Islamic discourse on citizenship rights were extracted, and objective examples were studied in important legal documents of the republic. Citizenship rights in Islamic discourse are based on the semantic system from the central symbol of purified life and the signs of the principles of dignity, security, freedom and the executive guarantee of citizenship rights. Evaluating the status of citizenship rights in the social and political context of post-revolutionary Iran indicates that the Islamic Revolution discourse has a strong potential for fulfilling citizenship rights. The constitution addresses citizenship rights in various dimensions, including public-private security, judicial law, liberty rights in multiple sizes, participant rights in the administration of national affairs, economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of vulnerable groups. The implementing citizenship rights specified in this law are guaranteed in parts of the Islamic Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code. 

Changes in the structure of the global single-polar system and the transition towards a multi-polar order highlight the new norms of the global order. It is clear that the dominance of the new normative order and the elements of the new structural meaning are primarily considering the decline of US hegemony and its redistribution among new poles. These conditions create more space for the expression of competing cultural ideologies. In such a space, there are ample opportunities for culturally and civilizational rich actors like Iran to emerge. The importance of this issue becomes more apparent when we realize that key players in the new structure, such as China, lack the high capacity to confront Western cultural-hegemonic dominance regarding the absence of modern software. In an era where the main characteristic is "Power Dispersion," some of the material shortcomings of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be remedied to play an effective role in the new era of cultural power vacuum, if attention is paid to its software capacities. Therefore, the main question of this research is formed by examining what software-based priorities for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the cultural Iran region suggest. In response to this question, with a descriptive-analytical approach by gathering a library of data, highlighting the coordinates of the new global order, and examining the coordinates of the cultural Iran region. The main recommendations of this new situation for the foreign policy of I.R.I in the cultural Iran region are explored. The results indicated that the framework of this software capacity can be explained in three dimensions: culture, values, and foreign policy. This capacity has gained a particular significance in connection with the concept of the Islamic Revolution and the opportunities it has created.

The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in the “Age of Information” and the development of rational relations based on materialism have surprised the world due to its soft power. Hence, in this research, we sought to clarify “what identity threats may expose the true structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the risk of infiltration and influence of any foreign culture or their domination?”In response to this question, we must say that the foundations of soft power in the Islamic Republic of Iran are based on components such as Shiite Islamism, Iranian nationalism, independence, fighting with the global arrogance, and revolutionism, which form the power structure in the Islamic Republic of Iran and have associated with many successes both inside and outside the country. However, in some cases, due to the failure of building the macro-policies based on those components and the one-dimensional and non-systematic attitude toward these components, which are defined around the central axis of Shi ̓a Islamism, they turn into anti-agent and threatening factors. In this research, we tried to identify and examine such potential and actual threats based on the software resources adapted from the theoretical framework relying on the theory of threat in the field of security using a descriptive-analytical method according to views and ideas of the Majesty Imam Khomeini (PBUH) and the Supreme Leader as the leaders of the Islamic Republic.

According to this research based on historical research methods, different conditions, and various events can lead to a change in the views of Turkish Islamist elites on the meaning of the Islamic revolution of Iran. The research shows that the dominant understanding of Iran's Islamic Revolution has changed in three different periods: In the first period, under the influence of the thoughts of Shariati and Imam Khomeini, the Islamic Revolution as a utopia; in the second period, under the influence of the  Umm al-Qura theory and the Iran-Iraq war, the Islamic revolution as an model of Islamic governance; and in the third period, under the influence of the Syrian crisis, the understanding of Islamic revolution of Iran as a Shia revolution. In this third period, two main viewpoints appear: The first viewpoint understands the Islamic revolution as a Shia revolution from the beginning, and the second viewpoint, by dividing the history of the Islamic revolution of Iran into two eras, introduces the era of Imam Khomeini as the era of "Islamic revolution" and calls the era of Ayatollah Khamenei as the era of "Shia" revolution.

Land and "Land Policy" have always been important social issues that are related to and dependent on the policies and governance models of different countries. In contemporary Iranian history, the issue of land has always been an unresolved matter and a focus of the government's attention. The significance and sensitivity of this issue led policymakers to immediately address it after the Islamic Revolution, and the specific legal, social, and political concerns in this area prompted the formulation and implementation of a new policy for land distribution in rural areas of the country. Given the importance of this topic, the central theme of this research is the transformations that occurred in the field of rural land ownership in Iran under the influence of the Islamic Revolution, with the main goal of examining the impact that the phenomenon of the Iranian Islamic Revolution had on land policy in Iran. Therefore, the main question of this article is ‘What was the land policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in rural areas and on what principles, foundations, and implementation methods was it based?’ In response to this question, using a comparative method, we have addressed the land policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in rural areas and ultimately examined this policy by presenting a model.