Islamic World

Since the expansion of ISIS in the summer of 2014, Israeli leaders have increasingly proclaimed the Kurds’ right to an independent state in Iraqi Kurdistan. So an important question is raised. What is Israel`s main objective towards to Kurds and their efforts for independence? Based on the «peripheral strategy», what could be place of the Kurds in Israel’s strategy in the Near and Middle East? If does Israel consider the Kurdish issue as vital component of its priorities in the foreign policy or see it just as a temporary benefit in its regional security considerations? Relying on the various comments and opinions, our study uses the contextual analysis for finding the facts and presenting the impartial final analysis. Our analysis is shaped and developed by the facts reported and discussed by the experts as well as by real strategic considerations of the players. I try to shape my argument based on two pivotal considerations, first ethnical debate and second Tel Aviv`s long term strategy in the region. Based on both of them, the Kurd issue will be a marginal not main concern for Israel. Tel Aviv seeks to abuse the Kurdish independence emotions, and it is and will be a half way comrade for Kurdish people, nothing more

The weakness of Ottoman empire, in particular in the last years, adding to the materialistic tendencies of politicians, was attributed to not only a sort of disappointment of the religious state, but also exacerbating orientations to revitalize Islam. Nevertheless, with the exemption of current Turkey, other regions, dominated by Ottoman, were grappling with severely extremist trends which, in spite of their reduction, has been irritating the Islamic world after ages. Thus, what is the relation between Ottoman’s collapse and Salafists’ tendencies? The article by applying a historical analysis and investigating the pivots of Ottoman’s state, studies the reasons for Ottoman’s decline and by analyzing the effects of political vacuum as well as the disappearing of a supportively religious state in the area, scrutinizes the relationship between the collapse and the evolution of Salafists’ attitudes. Overall, Ottoman’s collapse contributed to the creation of a political vacuum, fed the appropriate context to raise Salafism in the Islamic world and Wahhabism is alleged a normal yet utilitarian approach to handle ever-increasing internal patches as well as internationally infuriating interventions at the time.

The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIS, gained considerable power over a short period of time and at the height of its power, Al-Baghdadi controlled more broadly than Britain And it was thought that for many years it could survive. But by the Iraqi and Syrian armies and the popular forces of these two countries and with the help of the IRGC, this terrorist group lost all of its occupied territories in Iraq and Syria. So, its collapse is important and will have significant effects on the geopolitics of the Middle East. The main subject of this article is the same. The main question of the paper is how would the ISIS collapse affect Middle Eastern politics? The answer to this question will be presented in six sections, all of which relate to the probabilities following the fall of ISIS in the Middle East. The research method of article is based on explanation method.

The approach of convergence in the Islamic world as a prelude and path for Islamic countries to become a new pole of power in the world has been proposed and discussed for a long time among the thinkers and elites of Islamic countries. In this regard, various perspectives and strategies have been presented to achieve this geopolitical goal. Considering Iran's special geopolitical position as the gateway to the heartland of the world and the prospect of becoming a trans-regional power, the authors sought to describe the factors of this convergence and then provide an analysis of different strategies to achieve convergence in the Islamic world with Iran as its pivot. For this purpose, in this research by using a descriptive and analytical method, the five factors of convergence categorized by document collection, and then the strategies to achieve convergence have been mentioned with emphasis on the special capacity of the Islamic Republic to build civilization and play a role in future scenarios.

Undoubtedly, the process of nation-state building has been one of the most significant challenges faced by many countries across the world, particularly in Islamic nations, over the past century. This issue is so critical that it can be argued that the primary root of insecurity and instability in many of these countries lies in the weakness and ongoing crisis of nation-state building, especially in states that function as quasi-states or post-colonial entities. In such circumstances, the inability of these states to provide the basic functions of statehood has paved the way for insecurity, instability, and both internal and international conflicts. Iraq stands as a prime example of a failed state, struggling to transition through the process of nation-state building, and as a result, it has faced multiple domestic and foreign challenges. This paper seeks to evaluate the complexities and obstacles of nation-state building in Islamic countries, with a particular focus on Iraq. The analysis highlights several major challenges hindering the successful establishment of a cohesive nation-state in Iraq, including the historical roots and barriers preventing the formation of a unified national identity, the deep ethnic and sectarian divisions, external interventions, and the failure of governance, particularly in the post-Saddam era of consociational democracy.

The Rohingya people are the native inhabitants of Arakan (Rakhine) land in Myanmar, who have faced a series of crimes by the Myanmar army and government. Based on the norms and regulations of international and customary international law and the principles of international criminal law and considering the incidents that occurred against the religious minority group of Rohingya Muslims, the continuous violation of human rights and the occurrence of the crime of genocide by the Myanmar government are a matter of fact. There are numerous examples of deliberate actions, which prove the governmental steps to eliminate the Rohingya group, and deliberate measures, which cause the international responsibility of the Myanmar government. Iran has raised three specific positions regarding the Rohingya Muslim crisis.The major question of the research is to evaluate the occurrence or non-occurrence of violations of international criminal law, the crimes of genocide, and crimes against humanity by the Myanmar army and government against the Muslim minority in Rakhine state.The hypothesis emphasizes the definite occurrence of violations of humanitarian law and international criminal law, especially committing crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity. The purpose of the research is to examine one of the important cases of violation of Muslim rights in today's world, which has not been noticed by international legal societies. It tries to discuss briefly the Iranian positions on the Issue. The analytical-descriptive research method is based on official docs and undeniable facts, especially the documents issued by the International Criminal Court.