سمانه کشوردوست

Abstract: Iraqi Shiites make up near 60 percent of the population live in the southern half of the country. However, they have been rarely in the circles of power throughout history and often under colonial domination of minorities that reached its peak during the rule of the Ba'ath Party. Thus, the Shiites were considered as an opposition through the history of Iraq, particularly after the World War I and the entry of Britain, although the intensity of the struggle varied according to different conditions. As noted, the Shiites who were in a weak position throughout the Iraq's history were able to gain significant influence on the structure of the Iraqi government and build a Shiite government due to changes in their country after 2003. The Shiites pursue their goals as Islamist parties and groups, and although they differ in many details of their goals, they are united in their general identity, Islam, and establishment of a Muslim community, and seek, in the light of reli-gious doctrines, giving meaning to future policies of their country. This research aims to investigate the Iraqi Shiites’ historical status from the era of Imam Ali (AS) until the fall of Saddam.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Georgia underwent a revolutionary transformation in 1979 and 2003; However, there are fundamental differences between the two revolutions, including in ideology, the extent and scope of revolutionary developments, the nature of social forces and movements, the nature of the former and post-political regimes, and the direction of their new foreign policy. The country has been very influential in both domestic and foreign arenas. With this in mind, this article seeks to examine why the Iranian revolution became social in 1979 while the Georgian revolution in 2003 was limited to the political sphere. It seems that the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, in response to the quasi-modernism of the Pahlavi period and inspired by cultural and identity components, led to the formation of a discourse called self-return, which realized such a possibility without changing political, social, economic and Culture was not possible. But the color revolution in Georgia, under the influence of components of historical memory resulting from the suppression of nationalist and independence-seeking tendencies, saw a change in the ruling political structure as sufficient to achieve this goal. Data and information of this research have been collected through documentary (library) method and have been analyzed using comparative analysis method. In order to examine the above question and hypothesis, this comparative study first takes a brief look at the background of the formation of the two revolutions and then examines their possible differences and similarities.

Iran's transitioning society, in the face of extensive social, cultural, economic and political changes in recent decades, has been exposed to wide differences in terms of values and behavior among the new generations. Such developments require the special attention of policymakers and government macro-planners. The present article is written with the aim of explaining the level of attention of macro policymakers to generational changes in the form of development plans. The theoretical framework of this article is derived from the approach of Bourdieu's theory of generational conflict, based on attention to the unbalanced distribution of power and wealth resources among generations. This research examines the laws of development programs with an institutional approach and examines the extent of the development program's attention to the transfer of values to reduce the generational gap, as well as the attention of development programs to the balanced distribution of resources and facilities to prevent the deepening of the generational gap. . The results of the research show that in both dimensions of transferring values and trying to distribute resources and create social justice, several policy development programs have been formulated and approved.. . ..Key words: generational changes, development plans, generation gap, values.

Research Objective: The present study aims to examine how Reza Shah's despotism influenced the Iranian legislative system in the contemporary era. This is primarily done through an analysis of the National Assembly's performance during its sixth to twelfth sessions. The study also aims to explain the mechanisms used to strengthen authoritarianism by intervening in the legislative process. Research Methodology: This paper utilizes the theoretical framework of patrimonialism and employs a documentary method with descriptive analysis. Historical sources, official documents, and legislative texts form the basis for data collection and analysis.Findings: The research findings indicate that Reza Shah successfully manipulated the legislative environment to consolidate his personal power. He achieved this by undermining the Assembly's independence, interfering in the composition of its representatives, eliminating political opponents, and leveraging authoritarian legitimacy. These interventions not only impacted the selection process of representatives but also significantly influenced the content of the laws passed. Conclusion: The study concludes that Reza Shah's despotism, by dominating the legislative body, played a crucial role in weakening political institutions and reducing the transparency of the legislative process in Iran. By offering a clear depiction of the interplay between authoritarianism and legislation, this study contributes to a more profound understanding of institution- building in contemporary Iranian history

Objective: This study analyzes the role of the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) in representing and steering the nationwide protests of autumn 2022 in Iran from the perspective of psychological operations and hybrid warfare. It demonstrates how the organization sought to construct a fabricated social reality against the Islamic Republic of Iran through targeted narrative-building. Method: The research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), based on Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (1995) and Teun A. van Dijk’s cognitive–ideological framework (2006). Data were purposively collected from the organization’s official media outlets (Simaye Azadi, Iran Azadi, statements of the National Council of Resistance, and affiliated social media channels) from September to December 2022 and systematically analyzed. Results: By employing techniques such as emotional provocation, antagonistic binary construction (us vs. them), appropriation of the slogan "Woman, Life, Freedom," simulation of the scale of uprising, making hero of protesters, victimization, persistent labeling of the ruling system, and the discursive linkage of internal and external "Resistance," the MEK produced a fully ideological and regime-change–oriented narrative of the protests. In doing so, it played an active role in the project of hybrid and cognitive warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Mahsa Amini functioned as a "Discursive nodal point," while the Iranian woman was framed as the "Revolutionary Subject," constituting the central signifiers of this narrative. Conclusion: During the 2022 protests, the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization did not merely reflect reality; rather, it acted as an active agent in constructing a fabricated social reality and engineering public opinion. Its performance should be understood as part of a broader strategy of narrative warfare and psychological operations against the Islamic Republic of Iran.