چالش های حقوقی عدم تمرکز محلی در ایران (مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
درجه علمی: نشریه علمی (وزارت علوم)
آرشیو
چکیده
تمرکززدایی به عنوان شیوه مطلوب حکمرانی در دنیای امروز جایگاه جهانی خود را یافته است. این مقاله با هدف بررسی چالش های حقوقی عدم تمرکز محلی در ایران انجام گرفته است. این پژوهش بر سودمندی تحقق نظام عدم تمرکز نه فقط در امور اداری بلکه در حوزه قانون گذاری به خود شهروندان ساکن در مناطق محلی دارد. سابقه عدم تمرکز در ایران به تشکیل انجمن های ایالتی و ولایتی در دوران مشروطه برمی گردد و پس از آن در دوره انقلاب اسلامی در قالب شوراهای اسلامی استمرار یافته است ولی کماکان این نظام با موانع جدی حقوقی روبرو است. این پژوهش با رویکرد تحلیل محتوا چالش های حقوقی نظام عدم تمرکز را در ابعاد قانونی (قانون اساسی و قوانین عادی) تفسیری، قضایی و ساختاری مورد بررسی قرار می دهد. یافته ها نشان از نگرانی تجربه تاریخی در پیدایش مشروطه کاغذی و به محاق رفتن انجمن ها در قالب شوراها دارد. برای رفع چالش های حقوقی نظام عدم تمرکز محلی در ایران، بازنگری و اصلاح قانون اساسی، تغییر نگرش در مقنن، شورای نگهبان، دیوان عدالت اداری و دستگاه های اجرایی به ویژه وزارت کشور الزامی می باشد و اساساً تغییر در ساخت تاریخی و ساختار متمرکز قدرت کشور ضرورتی اجتناب ناپذیر است.Legal Challenges of Local Decentralization in Iran
Introduction Decentralization has established itself globally as a preferred model of governance in today’s world. In this respect, the present article highlights the value of adopting a decentralized model of government that grants broad powers—not only in administrative matters but also in legislation—to citizens at the local level. In Iran, the question of local decentralization first emerged during the Constitutional Revolution through the creation of state and provincial associations. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, these associations were replaced by local Islamic councils. Following the directive of the Revolution’s leader to the Revolutionary Council, the councils were given legal status even before the drafting of the constitution. Despite this historical background, decentralization in Iran still faces significant legal challenges. This raises important questions: Has a true system of local decentralization been established in Iran, given the constitutional provisions for state associations and local Islamic councils? What are the defining features of a decentralized system? What legal and extra-legal conditions are necessary to build such a system in Iran? To what extent can revisiting Iran’s past experience help us understand the challenges of that period? What steps should be taken to redesign Iran’s local decentralization model? And what solutions are needed to overcome its legal obstacles? Literature Review So far, the issue of decentralization has been examined in many fields of the humanities, including public law, political science, and management. In this context, a number of legal studies can be noted. In “Pathology of Islamic Councils’ Powers from the Perspective of the Separation of National and Local Affairs,” Shamiri et al. (2022) examined the challenges faced by the councils in the constitution and ordinary law, particularly the failure to delegate sufficient duties and powers. They emphasized the need to revise the Guardian Council’s interpretive approach. Similarly, in their research titled “The Role of Comprehensive Decentralization in Realization of an Efficient Local Government,” Rahmatollahi et al. (2015) stressed the importance of transferring the maximum possible decision-making authority in both administrative and political affairs to citizens, as a means of establishing an effective and democratic local government. Gurji-Azandriani and Abolhasani (2016), in their study “The Role of the Council in the Management of Public Affairs: Decision-Maker or Decision-Shaper?” argue that in legal thought, Shura (or council) is defined as an institution with general powers for decision-making, decision-shaping, and oversight. However, the council, as a consultative institution in Islam, lacks authority beyond decision-shaping. They highlight problems and inaccuracies in labeling many institutions Shura (or council) within the political–legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, noting that diverse legal bodies have been labeled as Shura without a clear and consistent definition. Moreover, in “The Study of Qualification Vulnerability of Islamic Councils in Iran’s System of Law,” Moeinfard et al. (2019) emphasize that Islamic Councils neither possess sufficient powers nor benefit from a proper separation of national and local affairs in the laws. They add that varying interpretations by the Guardian Council, combined with these legal shortcomings, have prevented Islamic Councils from realizing their true potential and undermined their dignity and role. “A Comparative Approach to Local Decentralization in Iran” (Aghaei-Togh, 2018) focused on the functioning of councils and concluded that two of the three essential elements of local decentralization have not been incorporated into Iran’s legal system. Habib-Nejad (2009), in “A Legal Examination of Islamic City Councils in Light of the Principles of Decentralization,” used an analytical approach focused on both technical and geographical dimensions in order to examine decentralization and the shortcomings of Islamic Councils in Iran. Finally, in the Persian-language book Decentralization and Self-Management , Khobroy-Pak (2005) criticized the applicability of federalism to Iran, defending instead the constitutional principles governing the administration of provinces and localities. He calls for a re-examination of the solutions proposed by the framers of Iran’s first constitution for managing the relationship between the central government and local regions, arguing that new measures are necessary today. Materials and Methods The current study used a descriptive–analytical method to examine the issue of decentralization and its challenges in Iran. Moreover, content analysis was applied to analyze the data collected from various library and documentary sources. Results and Discussion The challenges of local decentralization in Iran have been analyzed across legal, interpretive, judicial, and structural dimensions. The first challenge concerns conceptual ambiguity regarding the status of councils, the lack of formal recognition of the decentralization system, and the absence of legal personality for territorial units in Iran’s constitution. In addition, the lack of explicit legislative authority, the failure to establish effective enforcement guarantees, and the incomplete adoption of local councils modeled on provincial associations represent further obstacles to the establishment of such a system. Another challenge arises from the Guardian Council’s conservative interpretation of the Constitution, which has relegated councils from decision-making bodies in governance to merely advisory and supervisory roles. A further challenge is the approach of the Administrative Justice Court as a judicial authority, which has frequently limited the powers of local councils. Finally, Iran’s deeply rooted centralized power structure, with its several-thousand-year historical background, has not readily embraced the culture of democracy or the distribution of power to local councils. Conclusion This research examined the policy of decentralization in Iran. A prerequisite for democracy in any country is the creation of a framework that guarantees freedom and enables people’s participation in local governments. Adopting a decentralization model by transferring local affairs to citizens and involving them in decision-making will not only strengthen citizenship rights but also enhance local participation. In conclusion, it is essential to revise and amend the Constitution, change the perspectives of the legislature and the Guardian Council, and reform the Administrative Court of Justice and executive bodies—especially the Ministry of Interior—regarding the role of councils. However, none of these measures alone can transform the country’s political structure and culture. Such change is only possible through the active presence of a developed and engaged citizenry. Although this process began with the experiences of the Constitution and the Islamic Revolution, it remains incomplete and must be further pursued.
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