جغرافیای اجتماعی گروه های ساکن در سکونتگاه های خودانگیخته شهری؛ بررسی موردی: مقایسه محله دولت آباد کرمانشاه و نایسر سنندج (مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
درجه علمی: نشریه علمی (وزارت علوم)
آرشیو
چکیده
بار ارزشی متفاوتی که بر دو مفهوم رسمیت و غیررسمیت مترتب است منتهی به شکل گیری جغرافیای نابرابری از ارزش های فضایی - اجتماعی شده است. جغرافیایی که در فضای نوین سرمایه داری بازتولید قدرت و برنامه ریزی است و این امر تجلی تمام عیار شهری شدن بدون توسعه است. در این ساختارِ شهروندزدای بازتولیدکننده فقر گروه های اجتماعی ای به حاشیه رانده می شوند که هریک در پی عاملی صورت گرفته است. ازاین رو در این پژوهش به دنبال این پرسش هستیم که چه گروه های اجتماعی در سکونتگاه های خودانگیخته شهری دولت آباد کرمانشاه و نایسر سنندج زندگی می کنند؟ آیا می توان گفت که این افراد از گروه های مشابهی تشکیل شده و قابل گروه بندی هستند؟ برای این کار تلفیقی از روش های کمی (پرسش نامه) و کیفی (اتنوگرافی انتقادی) برای شناخت دقیق تر گروه های ساکن استفاده شده است. فرایند این پژوهش شامل طی مسیری از عرصه زندگی ساکنان به محلات خودانگیخته اولیه و بازگشت به میدان بوده است. یافته های این پژوهش نشان می دهد که ممکن است در بیشتر سکونتگاه های خودانگیخته شهری در ایران گروه های مشابهی زندگی کنند؛ اما براساس ماهیت و شرایط منطقه، شهر و سکونتگاه تفاوت هایی نیز در برخی از گروه های ساکن در هر سکونتگاه وجود دارد. درحقیقت می توان گفت امروزه با «جغرافیای اجتماعی نوینی از زیست غیررسمی شهری» روبه رو هستیم که با گروه های جمعیتی مختلف با اهداف و شرایط متفاوت در سه لایه فضایی (لایه تثبیت شده، نواحی منفصل شهری، روستاهای اطراف شهرها) در شهرها درحال بازتولید است.The social geography of resident groups in spontaneous urban settlements; Case study: A comparison between Dowlatabad neighborhood in Kermanshah and Naysar in Sanandaj
The differing value associated with the concepts of formality and informality has led to the creation of a geography of inequality in spatial-social values, which is reproduced within the emerging space of capitalist power and planning. In this poverty-reproducing, citizen- excluding structure, certain social groups are marginalized, each for different reasons. This study, therefore, seeks to answer the following question: which social groups reside in the informal urban settlements of Dowlatabad in Kermanshah and Naysar in Sanandaj? Can these individuals be categorized into similar groups? To address these questions, a combination of quantitative (questionnaire) and qualitative (critical ethnography) methods was employed to facilitate a more detailed identification of the resident groups. The typology developed in this study is based on two perspectives: the structural-institutional and the constructivist-attitudinal, both derived from four process-based approaches —Turner's views on housing processes, Stokes' motives for residence, Mangin's modes of settlement, and Yiftachel and Roy's perspectives on social origin. The findings indicate that, based on the structural-institutional and constructivist-attitudinal perspectives, six distinct groups with different objectives reside in the neighborhoods of Dowlatabad in Kermanshah and the detached urban area of Naysar in Sanandaj. Crucially, there are essential difference between these six demographic groups within each neighborhood. In Dowlatabad, factors such as war, earthquakes, cohabitation with fellow citizens (immigrants from small cities within the province), low land and housing prices, and favorable labor market conditions have contributed to the formation of various demographic groups. These conditions differ in Naysar, which initially had a rural core. Furthermore, there are clear differences between the first, second, and third generations in these neighborhoods, particularly regarding their sense of despair and feeling of being "second-class citizens," especially among the second and third generations. From this perspective, it can be argued that the primary motivation for most residents in settlements like Dowlatabad and Naysar is the basic need for shelter and housing —needs that the urban planning and housing provision systems fail to address. The first, second, and third income deciles, who make up a significant portion of the urban poor, lack the income to purchase formal land, cannot afford the ancillary costs of housing (such as municipal fees and engineering permits), and are unable to cover land preparation and utility costs. Therefore, their settlement arises from economic rationality, calculated decision-making, and logical choices. In conclusion, it should be emphasized that similar social groups are likely to reside in most informal urban settlements across Iran. However, depending on the specific characteristics and conditions of the region, city, and settlement, differences also exist among resident groups. Ultimately, it can be argued that we are currently witnessing the emergence of a "new social geography of urban informality," in which diverse demographic groups with varied objectives and conditions are being reproduced across three spatial layers: stabilized areas, detached urban areas, and surrounding villages within cities.
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