the USA

This article seeks to identify and explain the impact of US foreign policy towards the Iraqi Kurdistan on the military security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially since 2003. The main question of this article is: What is the impact of US foreign policy towards the Iraqi Kurdistan on the military security dimension of the Islamic Republic of Iran? the research hypothesis is formulated as follows: the US foreign policy towards the Iraqi Kurdistan since 2003 has been influencing the military security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in structural and behavioral dimensions including: the formation of anti-Iranian armed groups and formation of regional coalitions. Stimulating the separatist tendencies of the Kurds in the northwest, especially the counter-revolutionary and dissident Kurds can be seen as behavioral part of the u.s presence effect in Iran`s securtty policy.

The Islamic awakening evolutions in the Middle East have changed the regional discipline in different aspects and affected the policies of regional and trans-regional actors since 2011. Meanwhile, the USA, which defined widespread interest in the region since the Second World War, encountered with the worst crisis than any other state. The present study investigated the USA interests in the Middle East and tested the effects of Islamic awakening on these interests. The main question of this study was the interaction and strategy of the USA in the Middle East for Islamic awakening. The result of this study indicated that the USA has put the measures such as direct military intervention and apparent changes in the ruling elite on its agenda  to manage the military presence in the region and target countries, avoid reliance on one union, promote the secular Islamist model, have proximity to civil society and Islamists in the region, strengthen the human rights discourse and advance the process of reconciliation, and manage the challenges posed by the rise of Islamic awakening in the region in the long term.

Tehran is grappling with irritating air pollution for a couple of years and the challenge seems to be getting worse. However, what is the main reason for this? To answer the question, many studies have concentrated on the primary chemical ingredients, like CO; and others have focused on where such pollutants are produced, like factories. Nevertheless, we have selected a higher level of analysis by reviewing socio-economic hypotheses (including sanctions, population, and mismanagement) as well as global climate change from 1999 to 2023 while using descriptive and inferential statistics. We know that crude oil is one of the main exported products of Iran. Thus, to evaluate sanctions as the central hypothesis, we surveyed the rate of crude oil exports, and as an assumption, there is a negative relation between sanctions and such exportation. At this stage, we studied the relationship between sanctions and AQI (one of the best scales for calculating air pollution) and on the other hand, sanctions and main toxic gases. For rival hypotheses, we analyzed the relation between AQI and them (population, mismanagement, and global climate change). All in all, among them, the results demonstrate only the correlation of sanctions with CO (-.916), NO2 (.718), and SO2 (-.687). Meanwhile, it is assumed that by using some methods and applying standards, the government could manage the amount of CO and SO2, whereas, due to the need of Mazut to maintain the economy of energy, NO2 has increased.