مطالعات بین المللی

Talking about the history of relations between European countries and Iran dates back to the Safavid era. Almost from the beginning of the relations between Iran and Europe, the importance of dealing with a country with the geographical coordinates of Iran became apparent to all European leaders; This unparalleled importance led to a countless European departures toward Iran over the years and the history of Iran witnessed the presence and influence of European forces. The hypothesis of this article is that After the Islamic Revolution, the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Europe have undergone significant changes, and the logic governing Iran-Europe relations has completely changed. In fact, it seems following the Islamic Revolution, the relationship between theses actors, entered a state where even changes in governments and policymakers, the occurrence of various influential events, and efforts by both sides to improve relations, did not lead to continual progress. This indicates the presence of a fundamental factor in Iran-Europe relations that has consistently weakened their interactions over the years. But What is this fundamental factor that transcends all changes and influences their relationship? By employing discourse analysis methodology, The findings of this article suggest that the primary factor affecting the improvement or deterioration of Iran-Europe relations is the different and often conflicting discourses of these international actors; which serves as the main structural element shaping their interactions. This basis factor, brings two additional categories of factors—domestic and external ones—that play a secondary role in shaping Iran-Europe relations.

This paper examines the politics of human rights in Iran. It explores how the Islamic Republic reconceptualises and responds to the perceived ‘Western discourse of human rights’ and it highlights the tensions and compromises made between this discourse and Tehran’s official Islamic discourse. The main question of this article is that the Islamic Republic of Iran has faced ‘Western discourse of human rights’ and what effect has this discourse had on the human rights perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran? This article is based on the idea that the Islamic Republic of Iran has adopted a softer and more pragmatic position in the face of Western human rights. The paper suggests that Tehran’s human rights discourse is increasingly becoming a more resilient and dextrous site of ideological gravity in the maintenance of power for the Iranian state’s elite. The concept of human rights, as fleshed out in the Republic’s politics, has Islamic and Western dimensions which interact and entwine as the expediencies of Iranian political life play out. As such, Tehran at times adopts offensive (anti-Western) values and at others defensive (pro-Islamic) approaches. This paper argues that a third thus emerging in the Islamic Republic’s human rights discourse: the politics of pragmatism and compromise. The empirical evidence drawn from interviews and official documents supports this argument that the Iranian state is increasingly capable of using human rights as a foci of ideological legitimisation of the status quo – the Republic’s institutions which regulate and monitor human rights are seen here as ‘epistemic sites’. They define the borders of legitimacy and normalcy in human rights discourse and praxis in Iran. The data of this article is the result of a series of interviews and the method of the article is critical discourse analysis and tries to present a new narrative of human rights positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Energy security is a critical issue for countries around the world, as access to reliable and affordable energy resources is essential for economic growth and development. However, the global energy landscape is rapidly changing, with shifting demand patterns, geopolitical tensions, and concerns about climate change all impacting energy security. An unreliable energy supply leads to volatility of energy prices, which damages businesses and consumers. Therefore, the research aims to examine the energy security of Southeast Europe and the South Caucasus, because the energy security of these two regions is dependent on each other. We have used Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) to examine the energy security indicators and how these indicators changed between 2012 to 2022. The research analysis is based on the 15 indicators that affect current and future energy security trends. In addition, the future scenarios developed by the Global Business Network (GBN). The findings show that Gross Domestic Production (GDP), Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), gasoline price, and greenhouse emissions are significant factors in the regions between 2012 and 2022. Therefore, four scenarios emerged: Crystalline Sky, Anarchy is the first word, Cloudy days, and the Apricity of the economy.

Population is one of the key factors influencing security. An increase or decrease in population can lead to security challenges such as unemployment, resource shortages, urban congestion and a decline in education and healthcare standards. Additionally, changes in age structure, density and population distribution impact social and economic relations. this article aims to examine the effects of demographic changes on security dynamics between Iran and Iraq through a comparative case study. The research question posed is How do demographic changes influence security dynamics between Iran and Iraq? In response, the research hypothesis suggests that demographic changes serve both as a factor for interaction and cooperation and as a factor for conflict and competition between the two countries. If demographic changes lead to imbalances in population, urbanization, age, gender, and migration, security tensions will escalate. Conversely, if demographic changes align with economic, political and social development, they will pave the way for mutual cooperation and enhanced security in both countries. the research method is qualitative, employing the analysis of quantitative data. Based on an evaluation of existing sources, the method of data collection has been determined as library research. the findings indicate that demographic trends in these two countries differ significantly and have various effects on their internal and external stability. Accordingly, it is suggested that fostering cooperation between Iran and Iraq should be prioritized to enhance security and promote economic, political and social development, leveraging demographic changes as a positive factor for growth and progress

The conflicts and foreign policies of the Middle Eastern countries are often analyzed through regional and international lenses, with little attention to the impact of domestic driving forces. In this respect, this study aims to provide a comparative explanation of how domestic driving forces, drawing on the concept of legitimacy, affected the Middle Eastern conflicts of Iraq, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, with a focus on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (1990), the Kurdish issue (2013-2019), and Saudi’s proxy involvement in Syria (2011-2016). The hypothesis is that domestic problems and crises as significant internal driving forces in Iraq, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, leading to the legitimation problems, were influential in shaping their diversionary motives to enter into or initiate regional conflicts/crises, with a focus on the aforementioned cases. The methodology is qualitative comparative analysis. The data were collected through documentary research and analyzed using the diversionary theory of foreign policy. This article suggests that reinforcing the legitimacy of the state and good governance plays a sustainable role in resolving regional conflicts, as well as strengthening peace and stability in the region. From this perspective, the domestic reforms in Saudi Arabia, and structural transformations in post-2003 Iraq have led to considerable changes in their Middle Eastern strategy and conflicts. In contrast, Turkey’s Middle Eastern policy, characterized by a reduction in the use of soft power during the second decade of the AKP’s rule, still has persisted; given the absence of significant changes in domestic policies and the democratic backsliding during this period.

Improving the status and position of women, and identifying effective pathways to address the associated challenges, has for decades been a key priority across diverse societies, engaging numerous international and non-governmental organizations. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), as the only comprehensive intergovernmental body committed to Islamic teachings at the international level, has actively contributed to ongoing global efforts in this domain. This study examines first-hand OIC documents up to 2024, with a focus on activities during the last decade, to explore whether these initiatives have evolved into a particularist and transregional model in normative and institutional terms, or remain limited compared to global standards. The findings suggest that while OIC activities in the field of women have shown increased quantitative and qualitative momentum, they largely operate within a soft-law framework lacking binding conventions and effective enforcement mechanisms. Moreover, internal divergences across OIC institutions and member states, coupled with external pressures, have so far prevented the emergence of a coherent or influential model for women’s rights promotion. As such, the OIC has yet to establish a significant normative or operational presence either within its member states or on the broader transregional stage.

The doctrines of humanitarian intervention and "unwilling and unable," closely linked to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), provide frameworks for addressing humanitarian crises when states fail to protect their populations from atrocities like genocide, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing. These doctrines, however, face legal, political, and practical challenges, often clashing with state sovereignty under Article 2(7) of the UN Charter. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine these frameworks, distinguishing humanitarian intervention’s unilateral tendencies from R2P’s structured, UN-authorized approach. Through case studies of Libya (2011), Syria (2012–present), and the Rohingya crisis (2017), it analyzes their alignment with these doctrines, their challenges, and proposes practical reforms to enhance clarity, accountability, and effectiveness. By addressing ambiguities, political misuse, and sovereignty tensions, this study aims to strengthen global mechanisms for atrocity prevention while respecting international legal principles.

The challenges posed by climate change, on the one hand, and energy shortages, on the other, are frequently in the headlines. Accelerating the global deployment of renewable energy is both essential and strategic for mitigating climate change and strengthening energy security here and there. Achieving this objective requires substantial financial and technological investments, which can be supported by both domestic legal frameworks and international arrangements. International Investment Agreements (IIAs), in particular, play a pivotal role in facilitating the inflow of foreign investment, especially in the renewable energy sector. Among their provisions, the standard of National Treatment (NT) is central to liberalising investment flows and fostering foreign participation. This article therefore examines how NT clauses can be more effectively designed to protect and promote foreign investments in renewable energy—an issue of considerable economic, legal, and academic significance. Through a detailed analysis of NT clauses in existing IIAs (lex lata) and by providing recommendations for their future clauses (lex ferenda), the article concludes that, despite some progress, most IIAs still adopt a superficial approach to the protection and promotion of renewable energy investments. In particular, the absence of pre-establishment NT clauses in most agreements significantly undermines their effectiveness. The article ultimately highlights the legal techniques that states should consider when drafting IIAs to attract and safeguard foreign investment in this sector.

The dominance of the Western International order and institutionalization of Western civilization within it caused the ancient Eastern civilizations to have common and similar experiences of marginalization and to be portrayed as "inferiors" and "uncivilized" nations. The reproduction of similar strategic culture's elements of these civilizations has led to a common demand to regain their former role and status in the International System. In this context, the main question is what factors have led to the re-orientation of the revisionist Eastern civilizations towards each other and the international system, which revived the civilizational discourse? The overall result of the research shows that the long-standing civilizational war, as well as a similar strategic culture between Iranian, Chinese and Russian civilizations, led to the formation of an Eastern historical-civilizational bloc that seeks to create two Eastern and Western "bounded orders" against Western international order. The method adopted in this research is descriptive-analytical and its theoretical framework is based on Samuel Huntington's Clash of Civilizations theory and Robert Cox's Critical Theory.

In the contemporary world, the Liberal International Order (LIO) is widely recognised as a key force shaping the domestic and international agendas of states and numerous global institutions. As the dominant global order, its efficacy is fundamentally influenced by liberalism and its approach to justice. Given the direct impact of justice on both domestic and international peace and security, the LIO’s justice agenda warrants close scrutiny—especially at a time of escalating conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing resistance to liberal norms. Against this backdrop, the present article addresses the key question: How is the LIO’s pursuit of justice evaluated, and what major obstacles hinder its ability to promote peace and security at national and international levels? Employing qualitative content analysis, this article supports the hypothesis that the LIO’s conception and implementation of justice are fundamentally flawed—criticised not only by non-liberal states but also increasingly questioned within liberal democracies themselves. These endogenous and exogenous challenges have fuelled inequality, disillusionment, and instability in various regions. The article concludes that, without aligning its normative justice principles with more inclusive, coherent, and consistently applied practices, the LIO will remain ill-prepared to respond effectively to the growing peace and security needs of a rapidly multipolar world.

Boycott, historically conceived as a coercive instrument in international law, has evolved into a multifaceted phenomenon at the intersection of economic regulation, state sovereignty, and human rights. This study reassesses the legal status of boycotts by situating them within both the coercive practices traditionally used by states and the emerging human rights discourse shaping contemporary international relations. Employing a descriptive-analytical method, the article explores the conceptual contours of boycott, its distinction from embargo, and its normative evaluation under the United Nations Charter, World Trade Organization rules, and customary international law. Particular attention is given to the principles of proportionality, necessity, and non-discrimination as determinants of legitimacy, as well as to the jurisprudence of international bodies that have addressed boycott-related claims. Through historical and contemporary case studies, the paper demonstrates that while boycotts can serve as lawful non-military coercive measures, their effectiveness and legitimacy ultimately depend on conformity with international agreements, human rights standards, and diplomatic considerations. The findings underscore the need to reconceptualize boycott not only as a coercive practice but also as a tool embedded in broader transnational debates on accountability and human rights.

In the post – Cold War world, cultural diplomacy has become a key instrument of the foreign - policy apparatus of modern nation - states, serving to influence nations — alongside governments — through culture, identity, art, values, and norms. Iran and India, as two modern nation - states with shared racial, cultural, and identity roots, have not succeeded in establishing a balanced relational interaction. Accordingly, this study seeks to identify which foundations and components play an objective role in redefining and constructing such a relational interaction. The research hypothesis posits that the historical – civilizational, religious – ethical, and scientific – cultural – artistic foundations can be effectively applied within the cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These encompass components such as the Persian language, shared scientific and literary figures, architecture, the Muslim community (particularly the Shiites), and extensive historical–civilizational ties. This applied study employs a mixed - methods approach (quantitative – qualitative), documentary research, and soft - power theory to analyze the subject

The political developments in Afghanistan over the past decades have clearly revealed the link between this country’s internal order and the key security agendas in the Middle East. U.S. and coalition forces attacks on Afghanistan to oust the Taliban and advance state-building via the Bonn Agreement have resulted in relative political stability in Afghanistan, which lasted until 2021. The 2021 Doha Agreement between the US and the Taliban on the one hand and the Taliban and new emerging Post-Arab Uprising Middle Eastern powers on the other hand paved the way for the Taliban’s return to power. So, A key question concerns the relationship between power relations within the Middle East regional order and Afghanistan’s internal developments. The hypothesis holds that the role of the Middle East’s major powers in Afghanistan’s domestic affairs is largely shaped by the regional balance of power and directed toward mutual containment. Afghanistan’s internal developments appear to be profoundly influenced by regional and transregional power relations. This study will examine the relationship between the internal developments in Afghanistan and the regional order in the Post-Arab Uprising Middle East. Employing an analytical–descriptive method and grounded in balance-of-power theory, the study examines the link between Afghanistan’s internal developments and the Middle East regional order.

This paper examines the relationship between Saudi Arabia's domestic and foreign policies under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), divided into three phases. The first phase focused on establishing MBS's legitimacy and consolidating power within the country, while the second phase aimed to gain international credibility. In the third phase, the focus was on consolidating power and formulating a regional strategic policy. The paper is grounded in various theoretical frameworks from international relations and foreign policy analysis, including Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and Neoclassical Realism. It argues that shaping MBS's foreign policy is closely tied to addressing the challenges arising from these phases. The research question "How has Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's leadership influenced the interplay between Saudi Arabia's domestic and foreign policies?" is answered by highlighting that the interplay between Saudi Arabia's domestic and foreign policy has shifted significantly under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's leadership, resulting in a more assertive and revisionist foreign policy. The paper provides valuable insights into the complex interplay between domestic and foreign policies in Saudi Arabia and the country's challenges in achieving its ambitious goals. It concludes by emphasising the implications of the findings for future research on Saudi Arabia's foreign policy, stressing the urgent need for further exploration of this crucial topic and its broader implications for the region and beyond.

Criminal Justice serves as the cornerstone for countering the most destructive acts contrary to human rights and dignity. The engagement of this pivotal institution with actions and conducts violating legal frameworks—such as terrorism, digital (cyber) crimes and climate change—is generally evaluated through national and regional approaches. Legal structures, such as United Nations programs, and operational frameworks, such as Interpol, exist at the international level to address these issues. In contemporary times, terrorist offenses leverage digital tools and technologies to advance their goals, utilizing digital platforms in order to pursue recruitment, financing, and weapons development schemes. This deleterious process inflicts irreparable harm on the biosphere, giving rise to climate-related crimes. Although the interaction between terrorism and climate change is bidirectional, encompassing both direct and indirect effects, the present study, conducted through library-based scientific research employs a descriptive-analytical method and an innovative approach, seeks to elucidate the suppression of digital (cyber) terrorism impacting climate change within the framework of criminal justice.