The function of the ICC prosecutor based on the mechanism of article 19(3) of the statute to the ICC’s ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation is one of the unprecedented ICC jurisprudence. Achieving its goals requires overcoming the possible challenges and justifying them in the ICC jurisprudence. A critical study of the dimensions and samples of these challenges is one of the objectives and topics of this paper, which is considered in an analytical descriptive method and based on the provisions of the statute and ICC jurisprudence. The main question is what are the challenges due to the ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation and its justification on the ICC jurisprudence? The research findings show that the ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation upon preconditions necessities, distinct from admissibility, non-support of Myanmar membership in the ICC or UN Security Council’s referrals.
Given to the impacts of the Iran-Iraq war and strategic importance and geographical situation of Hormoz strait, Islamic Republic of Iran Navy has adopted the asymmetric defense pattern. In accordance, Iranian Naval force has deployed this naval policy with defensive aims and deterrent purpose against the enemy, through taking advantage of geographical situation and strategic importance of the region as well as focusing on Shiite-inspired concepts like martyrdom. This pattern concentrates on using the advanced technologies and modern weaponry in situation unexpected for the enemy. In other word, in this defense pattern, speed, ambiguity, spread and dispersion by the usage of armed speedboats, extensive mining and missile attacks from submarines and sites situated in the Persian Gulf shores and islands beside the combined and simultaneous air attack are considered key factors. Given to these issues, the article aims to evaluate principles of Iran’s naval defense pattern.
Decisions as outputs of international organizations are highly influenced by different motivations. Presence of veto powers, heterogeneity of preferences and the rules governing decisions lead to study the decision-making in the United Nations Security Council. But the main puzzle of the current paper is to discover the motivations influencing on decision-making in the UNSC. According to our research, precedent and organizational doctrines guide the veto holders’ decisions. The costs of unilateral decisions push the members of UNSC to act based on collective bargaining and decisions which not only modify the opportunity structures but also help them to meet their rather different preferences. One of the most notable cases that these double doctrines are heavily visible in the UNSC activity is the area of the terrorism. In this case, the UNSC as an international political organization providing collective response to the international security threats by resorting to agreed language and political coalition.
The present article explores the discourse of extremist Hindus after Gandhi. Gandhi’s discourse, in his lifetime, was to become the most important political driving force in India. Having been assassinated by an extremist Hindu, function of Gandhi’s discourse has, too, faced many ups and downs in the context of historic developments and following competing discourses and debates, all of which had played a role in shaping India’s foreign policy. In this sense, the significance of taking into consideration Gandhi’s discourse is being felt more than ever. The present paper examines the effective historic developments, which have contributed to shaping India’s foreign policy, basic debates, and discourses based on Hinduism in India, all of which define Gandhi’s discourse as their otherness. The main question of the research is “What discourses and to what extent have they been envisaged in India’s foreign policy?” The assumption of the research is as follows: “With respect to Gandhi’s legacy, India has pursued idealistic policies. However, idealism has managed to shift to realism in the face of extreme nationalism discourses. Gandhi’s discourse deviates from practical politics. Thus, Hindu-based political parties, such as Bharatiya Janata Party as the main otherness of Gandhi’s discourse, dominate India’s foreign policy.”
This article analyze Turkey's aggressive foreign policy in the face of the Syrian crisis with an explanatory method and from the perspective of defensive realism. Therefore, the main question of the research is, why Turkey's foreign policy in the Syrian crisis is aggressive? The temporary answer is that Turkey, by perceiving the threat of extremists spilling over into its internal borders, threatening the autonomy of the Syrian Kurds, as well as Turkey's long-term geopolitical prospects, has led its aggressive foreign policy in the Syrian crisis. The findings of the study indicate that as the crisis intensifies near the Turkish border, Turkish decision-makers have increased the level of military violence in the Syrian crisis. In other words, there is a positive correlation between the extent to which Turkey receives a threat from the Syrian crisis, and the degree to which its foreign policy is becoming more aggressive. The method of data collection in this research is based on the library method which includes the simultaneous use of domestic and foreign scientific articles.
This paper will examine regionalism and anti-regionalism trends in the Middle East after the Arab uprisings. The implementation of Trump policies in the region, the rise and fall of ISIS, the decline of the Arab uprisings, the convergence and divergence trends in the Middle East, especially among its three major actors Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, have caused particular complexities. All this, has made it impossible to speak of the regional order in the Middle East, and the two processes of regionalism and anti-regionalism in the region are simultaneously emerging. The paper will explore these opposing trends in terms of recent developments and will essentially emphasize how these two opposite processes will reproduce each other in terms joint and divided security concerns? And why regionalism has not ever been fully evolved in the Middle East? It seems that the multiplicity of influential factors and the complexity of the existing relations have made very difficult the possibility of convergence and specifically regionalism in the Middle East.
Islamic awakening is a movement, which has exploited the Muslim nations for many years to return Islam to the social and individual life of Muslims, and in contrast to the international domination system. The evolutions have left abundant effects, and have affected the foreign policy of some countries with political and economic relations with the Middle East countries, especially the Persian Gulf. This study has investigated the role of China in the Persian Gulf with the security view of the country to the region (after the Islamic awakening evolutions). The main question in this study is: what approach was taken by China in the Persian Gulf after the Islamic Awakening evolutions? The results of this study showed that the approach of China to the evolutions of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East has faced a security perspective. The geopolitical and economic interests of China in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf have formed the behaviors of the country against such evolutions. The most important dimension of the geopolitical interests of China can be preventing the regional order in the Persian Gulf from becoming hegemonic. Also, the most underlying dimension of economic interests has can be supplying energy security. According to these interests, China got an impartial position in the Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, and Yemen crises. In the Libya crisis, China accompanied the International Community and played role in the Syria crisis in contrast to the West and Arab League. The behavior of China against the Islamic Awakening Evolutions was a gradual movement from the margins to the core of crises. China became a key activist in the later crises of the region.
Reading the political thoughts throughout the twentieth century, have been accompanied less with the new theoretical achievement about dialogue. Subjectivism is dominant tradition to encounter the political thoughts. This research raises a hermeneutical theory of dialogue as a method and new experience to study of contemporary political thought. Hermeneutical theory of dialogue believes to declare rationality, emancipation, freedom and democracy totally at social interaction in reality everyday communication and we should not declare them like Descartes and other Rationalists as consequence of single mind of men. This article presents a progression and blending of different hermeneutics from the fusion of horizons approach of Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutics, through the Gadamer-Habermas debate to explore the interface between interpretive and critical approaches to text interpretations, to arrive at a research strategy that was created out of this debate. This strategy, hermeneutical dialogue, emphasises a) a deep understanding of the phenomenon being researched as well as b) a sceptical stance to this newly found deep understanding and c) the value of dialogue in transcending a fusion of understandings to achieve transformative action.
In Deleuze's views “event” is not an occurrence in the present, it is a process of becoming, which simultaneously is attached to past and future. It belongs to the trans-historical realm of Aion that in accord with the historical realm of Chronos creates a kind of perception which makes the event contingent. It is not a phenomenon or a thing, it is a creative, complex, yet immaterial force, something of thought and consciousness. Since, potentially, it has different possibilities for historical change in itself, by the break that it brings into historical perception of society, creates something new. Neoliberalism by its fundamental critique of the welfare state in Iran provided a condition in which, at least at the theoretical level, the withdrawal of the government from the social spheres has been considered as an imperative. Accordingly, a new social order was formed, the neoliberalism actualized its principals in society, but life has become more and more exhausting and unbearable for the lower classes. The Corona Pandemic better than any other occurrence exposed the falsity of the neoliberal perspectives. Not only Coronavirus did convince most of the people for the government's return to society, it also at the expense of neoliberal individualism revived the social. The misery of present situation from one side destroys the social imaginary that caused the application of neoliberal policies as historical event on life of people; from other side it brings to society a chance to imagine a better future. In this article by leaning on Deleuze view of “event”, we are going to show how neoliberalism by transforming itself to a “social imaginary” became a path breaking event that promised to open up a new era of socio-political life in Iran. The study offers how corona pandemic discloses the neoliberal disguise on the progress and welfare; it attempts to reveal the delusion neoliberal promise, particularly in its relation to lower classes of society.