درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Since the expansion of ISIS in the summer of 2014, Israeli leaders have increasingly proclaimed the Kurds’ right to an independent state in Iraqi Kurdistan. So an important question is raised. What is Israel`s main objective towards to Kurds and their efforts for independence? Based on the «peripheral strategy», what could be place of the Kurds in Israel’s strategy in the Near and Middle East? If does Israel consider the Kurdish issue as vital component of its priorities in the foreign policy or see it just as a temporary benefit in its regional security considerations? Relying on the various comments and opinions, our study uses the contextual analysis for finding the facts and presenting the impartial final analysis. Our analysis is shaped and developed by the facts reported and discussed by the experts as well as by real strategic considerations of the players. I try to shape my argument based on two pivotal considerations, first ethnical debate and second Tel Aviv`s long term strategy in the region. Based on both of them, the Kurd issue will be a marginal not main concern for Israel. Tel Aviv seeks to abuse the Kurdish independence emotions, and it is and will be a half way comrade for Kurdish people, nothing more

A notable number of international relations analysts believe that Iranian foreign policy is based merely on ideological considerations. The present study aims to reject this claim by assessing the policy of neutrality Iran embraced during the Kuwait Occupation Crisis via a descriptive-analytical approach. This article seeks to find an answer to the question of how and why did Iran take a neutral stance in the mentioned crisis? According to the results, the subtle combination of ideological and rational behaviors of the foreign policy decision-makers led to maintaining the territorial integrity of the country and also the re-gaining of economic and military capabilities after the IranIraq war. Findings also show that while some cognitive factors might have affected the secondary goals in the first stage, it never put the national security of the country at risk. Furthermore, after filtering the information, the ultimate decision could lead to maximal gain and minimal loss for Iran which was the key to Iran’s regional influence in the past 40 years

The Arab nations of the Middle East have recently become the center of religious and ethnic aggression. This paper aims to answers to the following question: what efficient approach can be used to reduce of the religious violence in Middle East by political sociological approach? This paper indicates that the formation of a regional peaceful social movement can be effective in reducing religious tensions and violence in the Middle East if it finds associated with tolerant and committed participation and activism of civil-intellectual elites and nongovernmental groups, beyond religious divisions and fanaticism. The government’s continuous effort for reduction of poverty and good distributive policies for the masses is also of great importance in this regard Furthermore, this must be followed by the presentation of practical strategies for peace and the integration of the masses. The authors believe that regional social movement along with the integration of public opinion and the production of attitudinal and intellectual transformation in the masses can deprive violent Takfiri groups, such as ISIS, from public support. This can lead to a social bottom-up and general pressure and coercion for peace and, ultimately, necessitate the regional and trans-regional powers to establish peace, but it is a time-consuming process.

The research on Russian foreign policy in recent decades, particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has always been a topic of analytical interest to scholars of foreign policy and international relations. As the legacy of the former Soviet Union, the Russian Federation still retains many of its hardware components in various forms. However, since 2000, Putin with his intellectual spectrum, backed by the factors of his power, the restoration of Russian credibility at regional and global levels, as well as the process of Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism was included in the foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, the questions of the research are, how has Russia behaved in its foreign policy in the post-2000 period whilst pursuing national goals and interests, and what are the hallmarks of its behavioral model? What effect has the change in Russia's foreign policy had on the process of increasing regional cooperation with Iran? The Increasing Iran-Russia cooperation to the military and security levels is defined in the context of Russia's macro-foreign policy strategy against US unilateralism and the use of Iran's capacity to manage regional developments. This study shows that Iran is an effective and influential regional partner for Russia in thisThe research on Russian foreign policy in recent decades, particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has always been a topic of analytical interest to scholars of foreign policy and international relations. As the legacy of the former Soviet Union, the Russian Federation still retains many of its hardware components in various forms. However, since 2000, Putin with his intellectual spectrum, backed by the factors of his power, the restoration of Russian credibility at regional and global levels, as well as the process of Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism was included in the foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, the questions of the research are, how has Russia behaved in its foreign policy in the post-2000 period whilst pursuing national goals and interests, and what are the hallmarks of its behavioral model? What effect has the change in Russia's foreign policy had on the process of increasing regioimportant period. The research method is library-documentary. Based on the theory of neoclassical realism as a theory for explaining foreign policy, internal intellectual and cultural factors and variables of Russian politics, as well as the most important regional and transnational variables affecting the process and behavior of Russian foreign policy has been discussed.nal cooperation with Iran? The Increasing Iran-Russia cooperation to the military and security levels is defined in the context of Russia's macro-foreign policy strategy against US unilateralism and the use of Iran's capacity to manage regional developments. This study shows that Iran is an effective and influential regional partner for Russia in this important period. The research method is library-documentary. Based on the theory of neoclassical realism as a theory for explaining foreign policy, internal intellectual and cultural factors and variables of Russian politics, as well as the most important regional and transnational variables affecting the process and behavior of Russian foreign policy has been discussed.

Existing evidence seems to indicate that Muslims in Scotland have constructed hyphenated or hybrid identities that draw on religion, ethnicity and nationality. However, minor attention has been given to the differences in importance, meanings, and strengths of these identities, or the significance of their identity markers. Ethnic minority people can be identified with both their ethnic groups and their country of residence; each identity can be either strong or weak, or identification with both can be high. The extent and degree of identification with specific identity markers (such as ethnicity, nationality or religion) can be varied and subjected to difference. This paper discusses the importance, meaning, and strength of these markers in Muslims’ identity negotiation in Scotland through an analysis of the importance of ethnicity, religion and nation. Drawing on a study based on twenty-seven semi-structured and qualitative interviews carried out in 2011 with second-generation[1] Muslims across Scotland’s major cities and small towns, this research suggests the importance of social imposition (labelling behaviour and mis-recognition), family education and cultural ties in varying the meanings and the strength of  second-generation Muslims’ national and ethnic identities in Scotland. In addition, this paper  highlights the significance of various levels of religiosity in differentiating the meanings and strength of participants’ religious identities. [1] In this paper, ‘first generations’ are those Muslims who were born outside the UK and immigrated to UK and the term ‘second generation’ refers to those Muslims who were born in the UK to non-native parents.

  In May of 2018, the strategy of law-making was utilized in the Kingdom of Denmark to respond to or, more to the point, respond against full-face garments along the lines of a democratic and secular society in which values like transparency inform and guide interaction, dialogue, and communication. The new legal norm and measure, law L 219, does not refer expressly to the veil, nor to women, or to Islam. Nevertheless, the national Parliament in the Kingdom of Denmark proceeded on the basis of premises that reveal, upon scrutiny, why the particular provision that prohibits full-face veils is widely known and referred to as the “burqa ban”.Like the niqab, the burqa is a full-face veil. Numerically speaking, between 50 and 200 Muslim women wear such a veil, a fact that enters them into a minority within a minority statistics of 0.1 or 0.2 percent. However, to trivialize the burqa ban would be an error. This point applies to all sides, including the stakeholders who assumed the responsibility of drafting the new norm and measure. As the Danish legislators see things, law 219 is not an instance of “shooting sparrows with a cannon”. After this, the need to legislate appears to be an instance of following a trend in Europe and, at the same time, sending a message about the prevailing (Danish) ideology in contradistinction to “political Islam” that gives rise to unwanted phenomena like gender inequality, religious extremism, and terrorism. The authors of The 2018 Danish “Burqa Ban”: Joining a European Trend and Sending a National Messageattempt to give an in-depth account of the burqa ban and the political context for this, as provided by the negotiations that led up to the ban’s final adoption. One objective is to identify the various variables in the legal equation and, as another objective, capture the wider prescriptively-proscriptive direction of the Danish case, thereby also establishing a platform for further discussion, reflection, and response. (This part of the project – an intended component and outcome since the formulation of the original research task, labor division, and methodology – is published in the concurrent but separate article, The Burqa Ban: Legal Precursors for Denmark, American Experiences and Experiments, and Philosophical and Critical Examinations.)